ruϟϟia and nazis are allies

Кривошеин С. М. Междубурье. — Воронеж: Центрально-Черноземное книжное издательство, 1964. — С. 250−262. — 15 000 экз.
http://forgb.awardspace.com/krivoshein.html



http://anti-stalinism.livejournal.com/128912.html

Совместный парад вермахта и РККА в Бресте (нем. Deutsch-sowjetische Siegesparade in Brest-Litowsk) — прохождение торжественным маршем по центральной улице города подразделений XIX моторизованного корпуса вермахта (командир корпуса — генерал танковых войск Гейнц Гудериан) и 29-й отдельной танковой бригады РККА (командир — комбриг Семён Кривошеин), состоявшееся 22 сентября 1939 года во время официальной процедуры передачи города Бреста и Брестской крепости советской стороне во время вторжения в Польшу войск Германии и СССР. Процедура завершилась торжественным спуском германского и поднятием советского флагов[1][2][3][4].

Передача города происходила согласно советско-германскому протоколу об установлении демаркационной линии на территории бывшего Польского государства, подписанного 21 сентября 1939 года представителями советского и немецкого командований[5].

http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%A1%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%BC%D0%B5%D1%81%D1%82%D0%BD%D1%8B%D0%B9_%D0%BF%D0%B0%D1%80%D0%B0%D0%B4_%D0%B2%D0%B5%D1%80%D0%BC%D0%B0%D1%85%D1%82%D0%B0_%D0%B8_%D0%A0%D0%9A%D0%9A%D0%90_%D0%B2_%D0%91%D1%80%D0%B5%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B5

Whataboutism is a term for the Tu quoque logical fallacy popularized by The Economist for describing the use of the fallacy by the Soviet Union in its dealings with the Western world during the Cold War. The tactic was used when criticisms were leveled at the Soviet Union, wherein the response would be "What about..." followed by the naming of an event in the Western world loosely similar to the original item of criticism.[1][2] It represents a case of tu quoque or the appeal to hypocrisy, a logical fallacy which attempts to discredit the opponent's position by asserting the opponent's failure to act consistently in accordance with that position, without directly refuting or disproving the opponent's initial argument.
Overview

In 1986, when the Soviet Union belatedly announced a serious nuclear accident in Chernobyl, Ukraine after Western nations reported detecting unusually high radioactivity levels, it did so in one paragraph. The New York Times stated that[3]

    The terse Soviet announcement of the Chernobyl accident was followed by a Tass dispatch noting that there had been many mishaps in the United States, ranging from Three Mile Island outside Harrisburg, Pa., to the Ginna plant near Rochester. Tass said an American antinuclear group registered 2,300 accidents, breakdowns and other faults in 1979.

    The practice of focusing on disasters elsewhere when one occurs in the Soviet Union is so common that after watching a report on Soviet television about a catastrophe abroad, Russians often call Western friends to find out whether something has happened in the Soviet Union.

At the end of the Cold War the usage of the tactic began dying out, but saw a resurgence in modern Russia in relation to a number of human rights violations and other criticisms expressed to the Russian government.[1] The Guardian writer Miriam Elder discussed how the tactic is used especially by Vladimir Putin's government and his spokesman, but also how most criticisms on human rights violations have generally gone unanswered. However, Elder's article on the difficulty of dry-cleaning in Moscow was responded to instead, with a whataboutism on the difficulty of obtaining a visa to the United Kingdom.[4] In July 2012, RIA Novosti columnist Konstantin von Eggert wrote an article about the use of whataboutism in relation to Russian and American support for different governments in the Middle East.[5]

Although Whataboutism cannot be confined to any particular race or belief system, according to The Economist, it is a tactic often overused by Russians. There are two methods of properly countering Whataboutism. The first is to "use points made by Russian leaders themselves" so that they cannot be applied to a Western nation and the second method is for Western nations to apply more self-criticism in its media and its governmental statements.[1] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Whataboutism

http://www.peacewomen.org/portal_resources_resource.php?id=841
   
Worse Than a War: "Disappearances" in Chechnya- a Crime Against Humanity (NGO)
Date: March 2005
Author: Human Rights Watch
Organization: Human Rights Watch (HRW)
Theme: Human Rights - General
Country: Chechnya

Enforced disappearances in Chechnya are so widespread and systematic that they constitute crimes against humanity. Human Rights Watch urges the United Nations Commission on Human Rights to take urgent measures commensurate with the extreme gravity of the phenomenon. It should adopt a resolution condemning enforced disappearances in Chechnya, urging the Russian government to immediately adopt measures to stop the practice and requiring the government to issue an urgent invitation to the Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances.

The conflict in Chechnya, now in its sixth year, is a dire human rights crisis. The Russian government has gone to great lengths to persuade the international community that the situation is steadily “normalizing,” even as in the past year the conflict has shown no sign of abating. Rather, it has increasingly spread to other areas of the Northern Caucasus. Russia contends that its operations in Chechnya are its contribution to the global campaign against terrorism. But the human rights violations Russian forces have committed there, reinforced by the climate of impunity the government has created, have not only brought untold suffering to hundreds of thousands of civilians but also undermined the goal of fighting terrorism. Chechen fighters have committed unspeakable acts of terrorism in Chechnya and other parts of Russia. Russia’s federal forces, together with pro-Moscow Chechen forces, have also committed numerous crimes against civilians, including extrajudicial executions, torture, arbitrary detention and looting. But it is their involvement in enforced disappearances that is an enduring feature of the six-year conflict. With between 3,000 and 5,000 “disappeared” since 1999, Russia has the inglorious distinction of being a world leader in enforced disappearances.

This briefing paper argues that the pattern of enforced disappearances in Chechnya has reached the level of a crime against humanity. It shows that, as part of Russia’s policy of “Chechenization” of the conflict, pro-Moscow Chechen forces have begun to play an increasingly active role in the conflict, gradually replacing federal troops as the main perpetrators of “disappearances” and other human rights violations. It reflects forty-three cases of enforced disappearances that occurred in 2004, which Human Rights Watch documented during a two-week research trip to Chechnya in January-February 2005.Human Rights Watch has submitted thirty-six of these cases to the Russian government, requesting that it disclose information on the whereabouts or fate of the “disappeared” individuals and hold the perpetrators responsible. We have also submitted the cases to the U.N. Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances, asking that they raise these cases with the Russian government. These cases are appended to this briefing paper.

http://press.princeton.edu/titles/9014.html

Terror in Chechnya: Russia and the Tragedy of Civilians in War
Emma Gilligan

Terror in Chechnya is the definitive account of Russian war crimes in Chechnya. Emma Gilligan provides a comprehensive history of the second Chechen conflict of 1999 to 2005, revealing one of the most appalling human rights catastrophes of the modern era--one that has yet to be fully acknowledged by the international community. Drawing upon eyewitness testimony and interviews with refugees and key political and humanitarian figures, Gilligan tells for the first time the full story of the Russian military's systematic use of torture, disappearances, executions, and other punitive tactics against the Chechen population.

In Terror in Chechnya, Gilligan challenges Russian claims that civilian casualties in Chechnya were an unavoidable consequence of civil war. She argues that racism and nationalism were substantial factors in Russia's second war against the Chechens and the resulting refugee crisis. She does not ignore the war crimes committed by Chechen separatists and pro-Moscow forces. Gilligan traces the radicalization of Chechen fighters and sheds light on the Dubrovka and Beslan hostage crises, demonstrating how they undermined the separatist movement and in turn contributed to racial hatred against Chechens in Moscow.

A haunting testament of modern-day crimes against humanity, Terror in Chechnya also looks at the international response to the conflict, focusing on Europe's humanitarian and human rights efforts inside Chechnya.

Emma Gilligan is assistant professor of Russian history and human rights at the University of Connecticut. She is the author of Defending Human Rights in Russia: Sergei Kovalyov, Dissident and Human Rights Commissioner, 1969-2003.

Also interesting that ""Putin's Kremlin has made a fetish of remembering WWII. Funny how they never mention Moscow's partnering-with-Hitler role in starting it. The Soviet Union was not a victim of WWII. They were 1 of the 2 countries that started it. Their thug-partner inconveniently turned on them" - John Schindler."

@Stalinist, dude, is google banned for you? 

NSWF  https://www.google.com/search?q=russian+crimes+in+chechnya&client=ubuntu&hs=sZT&channel=fs&source=lnms&tbm=isch&sa=X&ei=hYRqU9XRDMfb7AboloGgCQ&ved=0CAoQ_AUoAw

@Stalinist - good photos, looks the same as ruSSian crimes in Chechnya, but please remove hot links, because that is NSFW content

Switzerland is probably the most powerful state  

Капитуляция
Андрей Пионтковский о просьбе Путина перенести "референдум" в Донецке
update: 07-05-2014 (18:54)

Хроника текущих событий

2 мая. Президент США Обама и канцлер ФРГ Меркель предупредили В. Путина, что попытка сорвать выборы в Украине 25 мая приведет к санкциям против секторов российской экономики.

4 мая. В воскресной программе GPS (CNN Channel) US Treasure Department Deputy Secretary в ответ на прямой вопрос ведущего Фарида Закариа дал понять, что курируемый им Office of Terrorism and Financial Intelligence имеет точную и исчерпывающую информацию о банковских счетах и активах, контролируемых В. Путиным и его ближним кругом.

7 мая. После встречи с Президентом Швейцарской Конфедерации В. Путин предложил отложить назначенные на 11 мая референдумы в Донецке и Луганске и выразил убеждение, что выборы Президента Украины, назначенные на 25 мая, – шаг в правильном направлении.

http://www.kasparov.ru/material.php?id=536A463FE0340

Putin's stmt is a smokescreen. Donetsk separatists may announce tmr 'Moscow has no power over us', but proceed w/independence vote & terror

another brilliant  analysis of Russia 'linear war' tactics

How Putin Is Reinventing Warfare
Though some deride Russia for backward thinking, Putin's strategy in Ukraine betrays a nuanced understanding of 21st century geopolitics.

The Kremlin, according to Barack Obama, is stuck in the "old ways," trapped in Cold War or even 19th century mindsets. But look closer at the Kremlin's actions during the crisis in Ukraine and you begin to see a very 21st century mentality, manipulating transnational financial interconnections, spinning global media, and reconfiguring geo-political alliances. Could it be that the West is the one caught up in the "old ways," while the Kremlin is the geopolitical avant-garde, informed by a dark, subversive reading of globalization?

The Kremlin's approach might be called "non-linear war," a term used in a short story written by one of Putin's closest political advisors, Vladislav Surkov, which was published under his pseudonym, Nathan Dubovitsky, just a few days before the annexation of Crimea. Surkov is credited with inventing the system of "managed democracy" that has dominated Russia in the 21st century, and his new portfolio focuses on foreign policy. This time, he sets his new story in a dystopian future, after the "fifth world war."

Surkov writes: "It was the first non-linear war. In the primitive wars of the 19th and 20th centuries it was common for just two sides to fight. Two countries, two blocks of allies. Now four coalitions collided. Not two against two, or three against one. All against all."

This is a world where the old geo-political paradigms no longer hold. As the Kremlin faces down the West, it is indeed gambling that old alliances like the EU and NATO mean less in the 21st century than the new commercial ties it has established with nominally "Western" companies, such as BP, Exxon, Mercedes, and BASF. Meanwhile, many Western countries welcome corrupt financial flows from the post-Soviet space; it is part of their economic models, and not one many want disturbed. So far, the Kremlin's gamble seems to be paying off, with financial considerations helping to curb sanctions. Part of the rationale for fast-tracking Russia's inclusion into the global economy was that interconnection would be a check on aggression. But the Kremlin has figured out that this can be flipped:

    Interconnection also means that Russia can get away with aggression.

Interconnection also means that Russia can get away with aggression.

"A few provinces would join one side," Surkov continues, "a few others a different one. One town or generation or gender would join yet another. Then they could switch sides, sometimes mid-battle. Their aims were quite different. Most understood the war to be part of a process. Not necessarily its most important part."

We can see a similar thinking informing the Kremlin as it toys with Eastern Ukraine, using indirect intervention through local gangs, with a thorough understanding of the interests of such local power brokers such as Donetsk billionaire Rinat Akhmetov (Ukraine's richest man) or Mikhail Dobkin, the former head of the Kharkiv Regional Administration and now presidential candidate. Though these local magnates make occasional public pronouncements supporting Ukraine's territorial integrity, their previous support of Yanukovych makes them wary of the new government in Kiev. Just the right degree of separatism could help guarantee their security while ensuring that their vast financial global interests are not harmed. "Think global, act local" is a favorite cliché of corporations -- it could almost be the Kremlin's motto in the Donbass.

And the Kremlin's "non-linear" sensibility is evident as it manipulates Western media and policy discourse. If in the 20th century the Kremlin could only lobby through Soviet sympathizers on the left, it now uses a contradictory kaleidoscope of messages to build alliances with quite different groups. European right-nationalists such as Hungary's Jobbik or France's Front National are seduced by the anti-EU message; the far-left are brought in by tales of fighting U.S. hegemony; U.S. religious conservatives are convinced by the Kremlin's stance against homosexuality. The result is an array of voices, all working away at Western audiences from different angles, producing a cumulative echo chamber of Kremlin support. Influencers often appear in Western media and policy circles without reference to their Kremlin connections: whether it's PR company Ketchum placing pro-Kremlin op-eds in the Huffington Post; anti-Maidan articles by British historian John Laughland in the Spectator that make no mention of how the think tank he was director of was set up in association with Kremlin-allied figures; or media appearances by influential German political consultant Alexander Rahr that fail to note his paid position as an advisor for the German energy company Wintershall, a partner of Gazprom, Moscow's massive natural gas company (Rahr denies a conflict of interest).

Combatting non-linear war requires non-linear measures. International networks of anti-corruption NGOs could help squeeze corrupt flows from Russia. At the moment, this sector is underdeveloped, underfunded, and poorly internationally coordinated: In the U.K., for example, NGOs such as Global Witness or Tax Justice rarely engage with Russian counterparts. Anti-corruption NGOs need to have the backing to put painful pressure on corrupt networks on a daily basis, naming and shaming corrupt networks and pressuring western governments to shut them down and enact their own money laundering laws. This would squeeze the Kremlin's model even in the absence of further sanctions, ultimately playing a role as important as human rights organizations did in the 70s and 80s, when groups like Amnesty and the Helsinki Committee helped change the Cold War by supporting dissidents in the Communist block and shaming their governments.

Meanwhile capacity building is needed for both Ukraine and the West to deal with Kremlin disinformation and to formally track the role of Kremlin-connected influencers. So far, this work is happening ad-hoc as intrepid journalists reveal Kremlin lobbyists and triple-check leaks. To be effective, this work needs to be institutionalized, whether in think tanks or via public broadcasters such as Radio Free Europe, so every sound bite from a Kremlin-funded "expert" is properly contextualized, every Kremlin meme deconstructed, and every British peer on Russian state company boards held accountable for their connections. And this needs to happen in both Western countries and Russia's "near abroad," where the Kremlin projects its non-linear influence through a variety of institutions, from the Orthodox Church, to entertainment television and business groups. Georgia, Moldova, and Latvia are particularly vulnerable, and their security services need to be prepared for the sort of indirect intervention we are seeing in eastern Ukraine.

But aside from such concrete measures, it's also important to appreciate that the Kremlin is throwing down the gauntlet to the Western-inspired vision of globalization, to the kitsch "global village" vision on the covers of World Bank annual reports and in Microsoft advertisements. It is better to understand the Kremlin's view of globalization as "corporate reiding" (with an "e"), the ultra-violent, post-Soviet cousin of western corporate "raiders," and the way many in Russia made and make their money. "Reiding" involves buying a minority share in a company, and then using any means at your disposal (false arrests, mafia threats, kidnapping, disinformation, blackmail) to acquire control. Russian elites sometimes refer to the country as a "minority shareholder in globalization," which, given Russia's experience with capitalism, implies it is the world's great "corporate raider." Non-linear war is the means through which a geo-political raider can leverage his relative weakness. And this vision appeals to a very broad constituency across the world, to those full of resentment for the West and infused by the sense that the "global village" model is a priori rigged. For all the talk of Russia's isolation, the BRIC economies have actually been subdued in their criticism of the annexation of Crimea, with the Kremlin thanking both China and India for being understanding.

Perhaps, despite what Obama says, there is a battle of ideas going on. Not between communism and capitalism, or even conservatives and progressives, but between competing visions of globalization, between the "global village" -- which feels at once nice, naff, and unreal -- and "non-linear war."

    It is naïve to assume the West will win with this new battle with the same formula it used in the Cold War.

It is naïve to assume the West will win with this new battle with the same formula it used in the Cold War. Back then, the West united free market economics, popular culture, and democratic politics into one package: Parliaments, investment banks, and pop music fused to defeat the politburo, planned economics, and social realism. But the new Russia (and the new China) has torn that formula apart: Russian popular culture is Westernised, and people drive BMWs, play the stock market, and listen to Taylor Swift all while cheering anti-Western rhetoric and celebrating American downfall.

"The only things that interest me in the U.S. are Tupac Shakur, Allen Ginsberg, and Jackson Pollock," said Surkov when he was one of the first Russian officials to be put on the U.S. sanctions list as "punishment" for Russia's actions in Crimea. "I don't need a visa to access their work. I lose nothing."

We live in a truly non-linear age. And the future might just belong to the reiders.

ALEXANDER NEMENOV

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2014/05/05/how_putin_is_reinventing_warfare

#Putin calls on separatists in east #Ukraine to postpone May 11th secession referendum, via @Reuters"

Putin calls 25 May presidential elections in Ukraine "a move in the right direction", though they will resolve nothing w/o constit. reform.

Russia media: Putin says May 11 referendum on autonomy in southeast Ukraine should be delayed.

#Putin says #Russia has withdrawn military forces from its border with #Ukraine (Interfax/Reuters)

Госпогранслужба опровергла слова Путин об отводе российских войск от украинской границы http://zn.ua/.../gospogransluzhba-ukrainy-oprovergla... …

NATO: No indication of withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine border [JC] http://bit.ly/1iXkllk

Putin’s plan for the 9th of May

Everyone understands that Russia is tired of Ukraine. Everyone understands that Russia wants to finally invade Ukraine form Slavyansk to Chop and get rid of this headache once and for all.



However Ukraine is still very successful in playing a role of an innocent victim in the eyes of the West to be able to invade without getting a label of a world aggressor and a full blockade, which is of course not very welcome despite the bravado “your sanctions are nothing to us”.

Of course the first guarantee of Ukraine’s success in the field of theatrical performance playing an innocent victim is the impotence of the readers, who are able neither to disperse a rally nor to neutralize a terrorist.

That is why the idea to show Ukrainians as evil demons, who insidiously destroy their own population, does not turn out very well.

Picture of Slavyansk as a nesting of lovely peaceful angels, who simply want self-determination and autonomy, failed completely. As it is obvious what sort of angel Ponomaryov is. Then he even grasped foreign observers in hostages and got MANPADS from somewhere, which are an extra-rare commodity and its use immediately reclassifies conflict on a completely different level for every military.

Basically, it did not work out with Slavyansk.

That is why they decided to advance form Odessa, purchasing local police. The plan was to create a new centre of resistance in the barricaded building and if this won’t work out, then at least use the PR around killed people as an advantage. The pan B, as you can see, worked, but badly as the stupid Odessa police were too obvious in helping separatists and were giving away arms right in front of the cameras.

The fact that the Odessa police are the direct organiser of both, the attack of pro-Russian activists on ultras and their murder in the Trade Union building is making the investigation much more complicated. That is why we are unlikely to see any reports of court medical experts.

But even here, regardless of efforts of all the Kremlin’s propaganda personnel, the things don’t work out very well. Inciting hatred they have to deliberately conceal too many obvious and fixed on video facts:

- So these guys attacked first, so how are they victims now?

- So these innocent victims, before their tragic death, shot of someone else’s parade, which was walking not towards them but to a football game.

And so on. So there are victims but they are not innocent – this is a contradiction.

But innocent victims are badly needed. Because as much as Kremlin’s agitators shout “get up a great country!” – the county does not get up. It is tossing and turning, asking questions as it were ready, but still sits and grumbles and does not run to attack. The West does not want to believe that “Russia has its own truth”. Ukrainian aggression against Russia is missing. One stroke lacks only– the same, which was enough for the USA to start a war in Afghanistan in 2001.

Unfortunately we know how such stoke can be provided.

Personal offence is missing. So far for Russians all that is going on is not their problem. From the point of view of a resident of Uryupinsk: he is offered to feel for the problems of incredibly distant and foreign Ukraine and he is asked to begin to help citizens of that foreign to him Ukraine in fight against some Right Sector, which no one in Uryupinsk has heard about 3 months ago, and even now, let’s say honestly, they don’t know and don’t care much about it.

The Kremlin needs a personal offence to every Russian from Ukrainians.

The Kremlin needs that “Daddy, kill a banderite” does not cause any questions and does not demand personal explanations.

The Kremlin wants the war with the Right Sector to become a question of self-defence for every Russian.

What does it all lead to?

To the fact that Russia expects all sorts of bloody surprises by the 9th of May: namely terrorist acts in Moscow or other large cities with plenty of Yarosh’s business cards thrown around the scene.

We know that a terrorist act against their own people is a well proven recipe to mobilise the population.

After the Right Sector will prove that it is internationally dangerous and will display its animal hatred towards Russia by means of organising terrorist acts on the territory of Russia itself, no one will doubt that Ukraine must be immediately invaded. Not to protect a mythical Russian-speaking population of Ukraine, protection of which leads to more questions than answers (who protects Russian-speaking population in Kazakhstan and Latvia?), but for protecting own population, with its full and unconditional support, in the wake of the noble rage, which the boiled as a wave.

At the same time Putin will get to use his favourite “symmetric argument”: if the USA had the right to invade Afghanistan after the World Trade Centre was blown up, then why can’t we invade Ukraine after the most terrible terrorist act in the centre of Russia on the holy day of the 9th of May? Agents of Russian influence inside the USA will address their senators and will sarcastically ask: are you supporting terrorism?

As you can see there are many benefits and bonuses from a good explosion in the centre of Russia.

We recommend Russian people in Russia leave big cities during the May holidays, and especially on the 9th if May, just in case. We also do not recommend the use of underground, be in multi-storey residential buildings and on squares, take part in massive processions between 8th and 10th of May. If you do not want to become an innocent victim, of course.

If Putin hung a picture of the Right Sector in the first act of the play, then in the concluding act Yarosh will most certainly shoot. Possibly on the Red Square.

We write this probable prediction, because we hope for the maximum broadcast of this plan. We hope that publishing plans of the enemy will lead to their cancellation. The scenario described above is a catastrophe, which serves only one purpose: strengthening the position of Putin at cost of lives of the Russian people. That is why we hope that we will be able to influence it somehow by broadcasting it in advance. Please spread it as much as you can.

Source: http://inforesist.org

offtopic.

(but interesting what shit you are smoking

in Odessa all was the beginning as pro-Russian separatist opened fire on the city streets in the Ukrainian people