(°_°) facts.org.cn Falun Gong - 法輪功, A racist and sexist cult ＼(^o^)／

[msc_de]

p://www.upholdjustice.org/

http://www.upholdjustice.org/node/300

Owner of this website is dead.
 https://bitcointalk.org/index.php?topic=1249964.msg13031535#msg13031535

but the info is update than what you show in year 2004..  ten years ago

Why is it that you are convincing me more and more that Falong is a bad cult?

bullshit question again, dude

i only show you what is truth, apart from VIKA NSFW, s/he only shows you the 610 office propaganda

No it's not.  It's a serious question.

I think you have possibly been brainwashed by the guys in your cult.

from political point of view, i knew too much about FLG case, from religoin,  i am christian, that is all

Maybe you are Christian and also Falong? You know what I am talking about.

nothing maybe, christian is christian, Falungong is falungong

you wanna give me label with flg, that is often 610 member does, you know what i am talking about

No, I have only simply asked you the question directly.

Are you, have you been, are you going to be Falong?

It's not a label I want to give you, I don't care what you are.  It's a label you give yourself, or don't.

you had lost your mind!!

i answered your question directly!!

ok!! again!!  christian is christian, Falungong is falungong

[Vika NSFW]

It's pretty easy to tell from the title that this guy has a very low IQ. I mean he said racist and sexist at once. Those are two low IQ emotional words people use when they have nothing else to think about.

LOL
Do You like IQ tests?

Help me to understand Your disappoint, with links on "mind control illegal organization Falun Gong" texts.

[Vika NSFW]

 What Falun Gong Really Teaches

Samuel Luo

San Francisco, California

Abstract

In the West Falun Gong, founded by Li Hongzhi, has successfully marketed itself as an innocent victim of the Chinese government's repression. However, if one examines Falun Gong's teachings and practices closely, one finds that its image of being a spiritual exercise masks the centrality of its founder's god-like status and the cult-like use of deceptive and manipulative techniques to increase membership.

Ever since Falun Gong was banned by the Chinese government in July 1999, it has gained support and sympathy from human rights groups. By focusing just on its status as a victim of an oppressive regime, Falun Gong has also gained uncritical support from the media. As a result of all the favorable media attention, Falun Gong has been able to spread throughout the U.S., not only in the Chinese community but in the non-Chinese community as well. But what is the Falun Gong really about?

When Falun Gong was introduced to my parents in early 1999 in San Francisco, it was presented as an exercise that promised to improve health. I can’t describe how shocked I was when I heard my mother start talking about the aliens who live among us and saying that human society is bad, the end of world is coming, and Li Hongzhi, the founder of Falun Gong, is offering the last chance to save mankind. How did an exercise become a world-saving religion?

Since immigrating to the United States in 1998, master Li has promoted his Falun Gong as a Tai Chi like exercise ([1]) However Falun Gong (exercise of the Dharma wheel) is just the exercise component of Falun Dafa (great law of the Dharma wheel); both terms refer to a unique system of belief and exercises that were created by Li Hongzhi and first introduced in China in 1992. The free Falun Gong exercises work as a lure to recruit people into a system of belief that Li has described as “the highest principle of the universe.” In fact, Li has made it very clear to his followers that “those who only do the exercise but do not study the Dafa they are not disciples of Falun Dafa whatsoever” ([2]).

Li’s Falun Dafa is usually taught to newcomers after they feel comfortable with the exercises. In it you learn that only Falun Gong practitioners can detect the highest moral principles of the universe ([3]), the existence of mixed races is a serious problem ([4]), modern science is destroying mankind ([5]), and homosexuality is not the standard of being human ([6]). Yet to Li the worst thing that mankind can do is think negatively towards his Dafa (great truth): “Let me tell you, when this Fa-rectification [Li’s judgment day] matter is over, humankind will enter the next stage, and those people and beings who in their minds think that the Great Fa of the cosmos isn’t good will be the first weeded out” ([7]). The enlightened master also repeatedly warns his disciples that: “A Dafa disciple who fails to achieve the effect of the safeguarding and upholding Dafa has no way of reaching Consummation (Falun Dafa paradise)” ([8]).

While heavily borrowing Buddhist terms for his Dafa, Li portrays himself as a supernatural being whose teachings are superior to those of Sakyamuni (Buddha) and Jesus ([9]). Although Li has continually denied that Falun Gong is a religion, these denials are difficult to reconcile with his repeated claims that he is providing the only hope for mankind in this “Dharma-ending period” ([10]). In Zhuan Falun, the Bible of the group, he states simply: “If I cannot save you, nobody else can do it” ([11]).

But when the press interviews Li, he tends to hide his importance. In one interview he said: “Every time I see practitioners I tell them sitting before you is just a normal person. Don’t make me into a god” ([12]). This statement contradicts what he teaches his practitioners: “If you are a genuine practitioner, our Falun [the law wheel Li installs in his practitioners’ abdomens] will safeguard you,” he writes in Zhuan Falun. “I am rooted in the universe. If anyone could harm you, he would be able to harm me. To make it plainly, he would be able to harm the universe” ([13]).

Oddly enough, since the Chinese Government’s crackdown of the group in July 1999, Li has offered the least support of all to his practitioners. While he urges his practitioners to fight for him regardless of their own life ([14]), he is enjoying a safe and presumably luxurious life in the United States. It’s painful to see innocent people putting themselves at risk and getting hurt while chasing a delusion.

A group leader claiming that he is the only one who knows the truth of the universe or that he is the only savior of the world, a group using deception to recruit new members and not allowing room for questions or alternative viewpoints—these are some of the characteristics of a cult. Cults also use mind control techniques to manipulate their followers. This manipulation is designed to disrupt a person’s authentic identity and replace it with a new identity. Individuals are deceptively and aggressively recruited, and through socialization new members learn to follow what other members do; slowly, they are influenced to think as the others do. Dependence, conformity, and obedience to the leader’s absolute authority are encouraged constantly. Looking at Falun Gong from the outside, one might think these practitioners have made their own choice. But would anyone join the Falun Gong if they knew that they were going to be taught that Li is the personal savior of the world? No, they all think that they are just joining a healthy exercise group.

One of the most important and common methods that cults use to control their followers can be called “exclusion of the outside world.” Cult members are taught not to trust people outside of the group, including family members. This component of mind control is definitely found in the Falun Gong teachings. Falun Gong practitioners are made to distrust the moral thinking of non-practitioners who are called “ordinary people.” This is done intentionally by master Li, who repeatedly teaches: “As a practitioner you cannot act according to the ordinary people’s standards” ([15]). This manipulation technique not only isolates practitioners from non-practitioners, including family members and friends, but also creates a system where practitioners only share information with other practitioners. As a result, practitioners mutually reinforce each other’s belief in the teachings, thereby eliminating any conflicting or alternative views.

By reading Cults in Our Midst, written by the leading cult expert Dr. Margaret Singer, I came to recognize that all these mind control techniques have been used on my parents. Since the beginning of 1999, they have practiced the exercises two hours a day and studied Li’s books every day. They have hung Li’s portrait in our living room, and have gotten rid of all religion and exercise books except those of Falun Gong. After the crackdown on the group, my mother not only donated money to the Falun Gong, but was also asked by the organization to distribute flyers and other materials on the streets and protest in front of the Chinese embassy. I estimate that she spent at least nine hours a day, almost seven days a week, doing Falun-Gong-related activities until January 2002, when her husband had a stroke. Falun Gong has become her life. This is also true for other devoted Falun Gong practitioners.

What worries me the most is that ever since my parents became Falun Gong practitioners they have abandoned seeking medical treatment when needed. In Zhuan Falun, Li claims that his practitioners’ illnesses will be cured directly by him ([16]). Since illness and suffering are considered opportunities to repay the debt of karma, seeking medical help denies a practitioner this opportunity. He writes: “taking medication during practice implies that you do not believe in the disease curing effects of the practice. If you believed in it, why would you take medication?” ([17]) Due to this teaching my stepfather suffered unnecessarily during previous attacks of gout and flu.

Worrying about my parent’s health and trying to protect them from this cult, I started to question Li’s teachings long before my stepfather’s stroke. In so doing, I sadly discovered how greatly their world view had changed. In stating their belief that Li has supernatural power, that the world is coming to an end, that sickness is caused by bad deeds, and that demons are everywhere, I realized that they had been brainwashed. Our discussion soon turned into debate and then argument. To my shock my mother called me evil.

After our second argument I moved out. Living at home with my parents had become painful and uneasy. It hurts me to see them hurting themselves and I can’t do a thing about it. I have even started to feel anxiety, anger, and sadness.

When my stepfather had a stroke in January; my mother, sister and I were traveling in China. He went without medical treatment for approximately five days. While he was alone in the house two friends came to visit him and offered to take him to the hospital. Although the right side of his body was paralyzed he was able to open the door for his friends. He could have gone to the hospital at that time, but he refused due to his belief in Li’s teachings. Days later my sister returned home and found him sick. She had to beg and cry for him to go to the hospital. When he finally got to the hospital, the doctor pointed out that he could have died if he hadn’t been treated for another two days. He was in the hospital for a month.

Today, Falun Gong practitioners can be seen everywhere. They have set up at least fifty permanent exercise sites throughout the Bay area, seven of them in San Francisco, one in front of City Hall. Throughout the U.S., they have hundreds of practice sites, about seventy web sites, radio shows, TV broadcasts, and their own newspaper. The Falun Gong group has perhaps become the fastest growing quasi-religious cult in the U.S.

Beneath Li’s superficial teachings of “truthfulness, compassion and forbearance” are teachings that are intolerant of dissent and homophobic, that discourage sick people from seeking needed medical treatment and that manipulate followers to blindly follow Li’s absolute authority. Unfortunately while the media has focused only on the human rights issues in China, it has failed to educate Americans about how deceptive and harmful the Falun Gong can be in our own country.
Endnotes



[1] . Li Hongzhi, “Eye of the Storm” Interview in New York Times Magazine (August 8, 1999), p.19. Excerpts from the interview:

Question: Is Falun Gong a religion? Does it require faith?

Li: It is a practice that can remove illnesses, keep people fit and make one live longer. Like Tai Chi, it’s a morning exercise. People practicing Falun Gong are expected to follow the principles of truthfulness, compassion and forbearance.

Question: Falun Gong has been described as a cult. Is that description fair?

Li: A cult advocates end-of-the world theories and leads people to do many bad things. I am only teaching people the practice for healing and fitness.


[2] Li Hongzhi, “What is Cultivation Practice?” (September 6, 1996) Essentials for Further Advancement, English Version


[3] See: Zhuan Falun, 2nd editio n, p. 27: "An ordinary person cannot detect the existence of the characteristic of Zhen-Shan-Ren [Zhen-Shan-Ren is the sole Criterion to Judge Good and Bad People] in the universe because all ordinary people are at the same level. When you reach beyond the level of ordinary people, you will be able to detect its existence."


[4] See: Falun Dafa Lecture (Sydney, Australia), p.29. "The races in the world are not allowed to be mixed up. Now, the races are mixed up and it has brought about an extraordinarily serious problem . . . Mixed races have lost their roots, as if nobody in the paradise will take care of them. They belong to nowhere."


[5] See: “Interview with Li Hongzhi” Time Magazine Asia (May 10, 1999). "I know that modern science is destroying mankind. Aliens have already constructed a layer of cells in human beings. The development of computers dictates this layer of body cells to control human culture and spirituality and in the end to replace human beings."


[6] See: Falun Dafa Lecture (Sydney, Australia), p. 14.


[7] Li Hongzhi, Teaching the Fa at the Great Lakes Fa Conference in North America (December 9, 2000, Ann Arbor, Michigan). Falun Dafa web site under “Guiding the Voyage” (www.falundafa.org/eng/books.ht.), p.5.


[8] Li Hongzhi, “Fa-Rectification Period Dafa Disciples,” Essentials for Further Advancement II, Falun Dafa web site under “The Falun Dafa Books/Other Writings of Mr. Li Hongzhi” (www.falundafa.org/eng/books.htm), item #40. Actually, consummation has different meanings in Li’s teachings. It can mean enlightenment in this world as well as ascension beyond this world to another realm. As used here, it’s the second meaning. In this teaching Li goes on to tell his disciples: “As you consummate your own paradises you are, at the same time, eliminating your last karma, gradually getting rid of your human thoughts, and truly stepping forward from humanness. . . .So this isn’t a matter of reaching Consummation in ordinary realms, nor is it achievable in ordinary Consummation.” In item # 8 of Essentials for Further Advancement II, Li’s idea of consummation seems to parallel the Christian idea of the rapture: “When the day of Consummation arrives, the great disclosure of the truth will leave the world in amazement.”


[9] Li Hongzhi, Falun Dafa Lecture at the First Conference in North America (March 29-30, 1998, New York City), Falun Dafa website under “Books by the Master” (www.falundafa.com.hk/eng/engdefault.htm), Internet Version, March 2000, p. 14. The full quote is: “In the past, many came to teach Fa, such as Buddha, the Western God Jesus Christ, and even Jehovah. All of them gathered people together, fearing that otherwise people wouldn’t study it well or would drop down. So people were assembled to practice cultivation together. Sakyamuni required his disciples to have their heads shaved and put on kasayas. The disciples of Jesus entered monasteries. I’m telling you that the reason they did that was because the Fa they preached was lesser. They couldn’t save people without such requirements. In contrast, today we have such an enormous Fa that we certainly dare to open things up and leave everything to you.”


[10] Li Hongzhi, Zhuan Falun, 2nd edition, p.101 and elsewhere. The full quote is: “I am the only person in the world who is teaching orthodox Fa in public. I have done something nobody did in the past and opened such a large door in the Dharma-ending time.”


[11] Li Hongzhi, Zhuan Falun, 2nd edition, p. 317.


[12] J. S. Greenberg, “A ‘Passive’ Recipient: Falun Gong Leader Seems Modest – And in Control” Special to ABCNEWS.com. (August 20, 1999), p.2.


[13] Li Hongzhi, Zhuan Falun, p.44.


[14] Li Hongzhi, Essentials for further advancement ii in Eliminate your last attachment(s) he stated:

Since you are qualified, true cultivators who have met the standard, you cannot be threatened by loss of money or material interests; what is more, these cultivators can even let go of life and death: how could they fear the threat of death?. . . It is in fact time to let go of your last attachments. As cultivators, you already know that you should, and in your action you have, let go of all worldly attachments (including the attachment to the human body) and have made it through the process of letting go of life and death.. . . So as for your last attachment, you must be sure to let go of it. I know all of the suffering of my disciples. The truth is, I treasure you more than you treasure your self!

Since the crackdown, Li has repeatedly warned his practitioners that if they don’t do a good enough job in “standing up for the Dafa” in China they may suffer serious consequences, including jeopardizing their chances to reach Falun Gong paradise In Teaching the Fa at the Great Lakes Fa Conference in North America (Ann Arbor, December 9, 200) he stated:

Most students have, in various ways, stepped forward to validate the Dafa . . .On the other hand, those who haven’t stepped forward, have hidden themselves, and have sided in their understanding with the evil beings – how could they still be Dafa disciples? . . . For example, some students were arrested and imprisoned. When they couldn't endure the severe torture, they wrote repentance statements . . .But this is unacceptable.


[15] Li Hongzhi, Zhuan Falun (English Version) 2nd Edition (Hong Kong: April, 1998), Lecture Four, p. 165.


[16] Li Hongzhi, Zhuan Falun, English Version, second edition (Hong Kong: Falun Fo Publishing Company, 1998), p. 126. The full quote is: “Your illnesses will be cured directly by me. Those who practice at the exercise sites will have my Fashen to cure their illnesses.”


[17] Li Hongzhi, Falun Gong, English Version, revised edition, Falun Dafa website under “Books by the Master” www.falundafa.com.hk/eng/engdefault.htm), p. 82.


http://www.icsahome.com/articles/what-falun-gong-really-teaches

[Vika NSFW]

 Reflections on Falun Gong and the Chinese Government

Reflections on Falun Gong and the Chinese Government

Michael D. Langone, Ph.D.

Editor, Cultic Studies Review

Abstract

The Chinese government has been harshly criticized for its treatment of Falun Gong members. The government and some western family members of Falun Gong practitioners say that Falun Gong has harmed thousands of citizens and poses a threat to public order. Passion is so high on both sides of this controversy that an objective evaluation is difficult to make. This paper approaches the controversy by asking questions directed at the Falun Gong organization and the Chinese government in the hope that the answers might contribute to a productive dialogue.

The articles by Rosedale (2003a), Rahn (2003), and Luo (2003) and the comment with reply by Robbins (2003) and Rosedale (2003b), respectively, underscore how difficult it is to arrive at a balanced and informed perspective on the conflict between the Chinese government and the Falun Gong movement. This difficulty was further underlined by two sessions at AFF's June 2003 conference, one in which a Falun Gong member and two critics presented and one in which a spirited discussion, involving panelists and audience members (including about half-dozen Falun Gong members) continued nearly two hours beyond the allotted 90 minutes.

Falun Gong members are passionate in their criticisms of the Chinese government and have compiled impressive documentation of abuses. Yet many individuals in China, and some family members of Falun Gong members in the U.S., are equally passionate in their condemnation of Falun Gong, and they also point to documented abuses, medical neglect in particular.

The high level of passion in this area makes it difficult to assess the controversy objectively. Doing so requires a deep appreciation of Chinese culture and accurate, reliable information about what is really going on in China. Few of us possess the former and quite possibly none of us knows all the vital facts concerning the contemporary scene vis a vis Falun Gong. It seems to me, then, that we should approach the subject in a spirit of dialogue, rather than ideology or cultural egocentrism. We certainly can have and should share opinions. However, let us not hang on to our views so firmly that they become incorrigible. With this caveat in mind, I wish in this paper to share my reflections on the following questions:
What prejudices can interfere with our attempts to seek a balanced and informed perspective on the conflict?
To what extent has Falun Gong harmed Chinese individuals, families, and society?
How much of a threat does Falun Gong pose to the stability of the Chinese government and how should the government respond?
Cleaning the Lens of Our Prejudices

I here use the term "prejudice" in the sense of "any preconceived opinion or feeling, either favorable or unfavorable" (Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary, Second Edition, 2001). Several kinds of prejudices can distort our thinking on the conflict between China and Falun Gong.
China is a Gulag

Many people perceive China to be such a heavy-handed totalitarian state that to live in China is tantamount to living in a gulag. This view fosters a presumption of deception toward the Chinese government: Whatever the government says must be a lie, and whatever the government's enemies say about it must be true.

Certainly, China is still a long way from being as open, tolerant, and free as the United States and other democracies. But is it so bad as to warrant a presumption of deception? Economically, China has made remarkable strides in recent years, progress that could not have occurred without an increased level of political freedom and respect for the rule of law. Although the Tiananmen Square episode remains a vivid memory for most who watched it unfold on television, the recent peaceful protest marches in Hong Kong suggest to some that Hong Kong may accelerate China's movement toward greater freedom, rather than have its own freedom suppressed by the Chinese government.

Now, let me not be misunderstood. I am not saying that China is a "worker's paradise"! Political freedom, however, does indeed appear to be increasing, even if not as rapidly as many want. Nonetheless, there are still many human rights problems. A number of independent agencies support Dr. Robbins' assertion that some adherents of Falun Gong and other religious groups are indeed brutally targeted by the government (e.g., Chinese crackdown on religion, 2001, 13 December; U.N. human rights boss blasts China, 2000, 29 February; Up to 1200 temples destroyed in Chinese Crackdown, 2000, 13 December).

The Chinese government can surely be criticized. But that does not mean that the government's claims, or claims by people in mental health agencies, for example, must always be contradicted. We should approach their allegations with skepticism, not a presumption of deception. And we should hope that China continues its movement toward political transparency, the need for which became acutely clear during the SARS epidemic. Otherwise, we run the risk of falling into an ideological hole in which we automatically assume that allegations 1, 2, 3 ….n are all false simply because they are made by people working for or dependent upon the government. Let us look at the claims skeptically, but also individually.
Cults are Good

Where some approach China with a presumption of deception, others approach cults with a presumption of benevolence (I here use "cult" in the more general sense of a charismatic group, not the pejorative sense). Cult members mean what they say, and since what they say is almost always warm and fuzzy, cults must be good. Falun Gong members say that the movement is about truth, compassion, and forbearance. Since no sensible person opposes these aspirations, Falun Gong must be "good," if one accepts its claims uncritically.

Ironically, some who seem inclined toward a presumption of benevolence with regard to cults and cult members demonstrate a presumption of deception when those very same cult members become ex-members and say bad things about their former groups. They are now said to be apostates telling "atrocity tales" that are motivated by sour grapes and a desire to save face.

The presumption of benevolence transforms into a presumption of persecution when a cultic movement commits violent acts. Why do "good" groups do "bad" things? The simplistic answer some offer is that "bad" people, "bad" movements, or "bad" governments persecute the groups unjustly and "drive" them to violence. Of course, there is an element of truth to this assertion, for sociology has a rich literature on deviance amplification. An element of truth, however, isn't the whole truth, and we should eschew simplistic interpretations.
Cults are Bad

The same mentality, but pointing in the opposite direction, can be found among some cult critics. If a religious group is new, out of the mainstream, and centered on a charismatic leader, it must be a cult and ipso facto must be bad. Nothing group members say can be believed. Everything the group's critics say is accepted. Obviously, when this attitude characterizes people in positions of power, unfair treatment of groups labeled "cults" is to be expected.
A Middle Road

It is easy to listen to what the Chinese government or Falun Gong has to say and dismiss it all as lies unworthy of serious consideration. We can then experience the satisfaction of thinking that we understand or that we are part of a noble cause, whether that cause is to protect people from an evil cult or protect a persecuted cult from an evil government. So long as we see events through the lens of our black-and-white prejudices, everything is crystal clear and our vision seems to be exemplary. Such clarity is comforting.

If, however, we put aside our prejudices, our vision suddenly becomes blurry. The clarity and confidence we once had is now seen to be an illusion. We realize that understanding will take a lot of time and work. We have to question everything the Chinese government or Falun Gong tells us. On the other hand, we cannot dismiss what they say out of hand. Instead, we have to examine the evidence critically and laboriously.
Falun Gong and Harm

Since I am trying to put aside my prejudices, I trust that the reader will treat my words as the observations of a man with blurry vision. I don't claim to have in-depth knowledge of the subject. Our electronic files, for example, contain over 1000 articles (mostly newspaper) on Falun Gong, only a small fraction of which I have read. And I am only superficially familiar with the scholarly literature. Hence, I will examine the issue as one who questions rather than one who answers.

Let me begin by giving Falun Gong the benefit of the doubt and presuming, at least for now, that initially it was a more or less benign qigong movement, "a general term designating a system for improving and maintaining good health based on ideas found in traditional Chinese medicine and culture" (Rahn, 2003, paragraph 1). Rahn says, "The qigong boom in China was massive. It began in the late 1970s and by 1986 there were over 2,000 qigong organizations. To regulate these groups, the government established the Chinese Qigong Scientific Research Organization" (Rahn, 2003, paragraph 25).

Falun Gong was certainly a major player in this qigong boom. Estimates of its popularity, however, vary considerably. An enemy of the group estimated it had 20,000,000 followers, while Li Hongzhi claimed 100,000,000 followers, including 70,000,000 in China (Ching, 2001). According to Ching (2001), even The People's Daily said the group had a following of 2,100,000. Rahn (2003) cites sources claiming that 400,000 Communist Party members in China are Falun Gong members.

These huge numbers suggest to me that even were Falun Gong a completely benign group, we could expect many reports of harm, given that its basic practice consists of meditative exercises and a core belief is that faith can heal the body. Consider as a comparison a U.S. study that identified 172 children who died in faith-healing sects (with a combined membership that is only a tiny fraction of Falun Gong's), 140 of whom died from "from conditions for which survival rates with medical care would have exceeded 90%" (Asser & Swan, 2000, p. 1).

Ching (2001) says, "Qigong is practiced to cease human thinking" (paragraph 14). If that is so and qigong does produce dissociative or altered states of mind, then one would expect a small but noticeable percentage of adherents to have adverse psychiatric reactions. There is some empirical evidence of harm associated with meditation (Otis, 1985; Perez-De-Albeniz & Holmes, 2000). Even relaxation exercises practiced in a psychologist's office can occasionally produce what has been called "relaxation induced anxiety," and very occasionally it can result in psychotic episodes (Heide, 1985; Heide & Borkevec, 1983; Heide & Borkevec, 1984). So far as I know, reliable statistics on the prevalence of such adverse effects are not available. However, even if the incidence were only one in one thousand, we could expect 2,000 to 100,000 such adverse reactions to meditation associated with Falun Gong, depending upon whose membership estimates one accepts. Even the low estimate would probably spark considerable public concern, since family members of adversely affected practitioners would probably place the blame on Falun Gong, even if the adverse reactions were nothing more than statistical aberrations reflecting the great variety in human psychological makeup.

A number of sources cited by Luo (2003) clearly suggest that Li says that practitioners of Falun Gong would not need medical care. Yet our informal conference discussion with Falun Gong members, several of whom were medical research professionals, indicated that some followers exercise common sense when applying the doctrines to their own lives. One medical researcher, for example, said that he of course takes his children to a pediatrician for immunizations and medical care when they are sick. Another said that he would of course take insulin if he had diabetes.

I don't think these people were lying. If they applied common sense to Li's doctrines they might reason as follows: "A person who is fully developed spiritually would as a result have a healthy body and not need medical care. I am not fully developed spiritually. Therefore, I may sometimes need medical care." Falun Gong would not be the first faith-healing group to which such reasoning could be applied.

But some will not apply common sense to the doctrines. How many diabetics, for example, delude themselves into thinking that they don't need insulin because they practice Falun Gong? How many people, like Samuel Luo's step-father (Luo, 2003), have strokes and don't seek medical care? Given Falun Gong's huge following, there are probably tens of thousands of followers who reject needed medical care. Even though Falun Gong might claim that responsibility for such medical harm may lie with the irrational practitioner rather than the organization, family members will understandably blame Falun Gong. Moreover, the government's public health authorities are sure to become alarmed, especially when an epidemic such as SARS threatens public health.

Thus, given its system of beliefs and practices, one would expect even a completely benign Falun Gong to be associated with harm among its members, even if it didn't cause the harm. Hence, the government wouldn't have to lie in order to compile evidence of harm associated with the organization, although the government could inflame the situation by simplistically imputing evil motives to Falun Gong merely because some practitioners get hurt.

If Falun Gong were not as benign as it claims to be, one could expect higher levels of harm among its members, for group pressures aimed at enforcing conformity with group doctrines would magnify whatever baseline level of irrationality might characterize the population of practitioners. Certain quotes from Li, such as the following from the New York Times, can lead one to suspect that there may be more causality in the associated harm than the Falun Gong organization is willing to acknowledge: "Other segments are said to show him urging practitioners to forgo medical care with admonitions like this: `If you go to the doctor it shows you don't trust me'" (Rosenthal, E., 1999, 5 November, paragraph 9). Li even seems to place the blame on practitioners if the practice doesn't cure them of ailments, a reproach that can have a devastating effect on psychologically vulnerable individuals:

…so many people who had severe health problems or incurable diseases before they learned the Fa became well after learning Dafa, so why is it some students are going the other direction and can't sustain themselves?...Yes, the old forces have arranged for some people to get in, but why is it that most people can do it now, but you can't? Haven't I taught the Fa to you?! When problems arise, when something doesn't feel right, you have to look at yourself! Look at where you were wrong and allowed the evil to take advantage. If you were wrong you should recognize it and do better. Don't forget, you are all Fa-rectification period Dafa disciples! (http://www.clearwisdom.net/emh/articles/2003/5/6/2003nyjiefa.html)

The members I met at our conference seem, for the most part, to be well-intentioned. However, many of us who participated in the discussion felt very strongly that they were "spinning" us, that they had a public relations agenda. Their goal seemed to be to portray Falun Gong as a spiritual exercise aiming to promote a love of truth, compassion, and tolerance (this triad seems to vary; sometimes, for example, it is expressed as truth, benevolence, and forbearance). I encountered resistance when I pressed them, for example, on the nature of their relationship to Li. Their agenda seemed to be to enhance Falun Gong's image so as to marshal western sentiment against the Chinese government, an understandable agenda given the reports of human rights abuses in China, and to avoid anything that might discomfort a western audience, such as their views on Li Hongzhi.

Nevertheless, an agenda that calls for "spin" will cause some to wonder what the members of the organization "really" believe and to suspect that "spin" is necessary because the truth may not go over that well. I, for example, would like Falun Gong to answer the following questions:
Do any of Li's teachings or the organization's writings on healing encourage practitioners to take a common-sense, rather than a fanatical, attitude toward the teachings on healing and/or provide guidelines on when to go to a doctor? If so, which writings?
What has the organization done to make sure it's members pay attention to such caveats, if they indeed exist?
Is there any internal dissent within the Falun Gong organization? When my colleagues and I first began to dialogue with members of the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) several years ago, we were struck by the fact that the ISKCON Communications Journal had published articles critical of events, practices, and beliefs within ISKCON, e.g., the treatment of women and children, the structure of the guru system. This internal dissent was an important factor in convincing some of us that the reform movement within ISKCON is genuine, and it strengthened our commitment to further dialogue. Dissent is an essential aspect of any organization that permits its members to think for themselves. Is there evidence of such internal dissent within Falun Gong, or are members only likely to hear that all is well within Falun Gong and all "bad" events are due to negative "outside" forces?
When practitioners perform their qigong exercises, what goes on inside their minds, and what is supposed to go on? I have heard, for example, that some practitioners "claim that while practicing the exercises they can see gods, the F.G. paradise and things in the other world" (Luo, Samuel, personal communication, June 28, 2003). On the other hand, as noted above, Ching (2001) says that qigong seeks to cease human thinking, implying an affinity with the mind-emptying forms of meditation in Buddhism. Some meditative disciplines are aware of the risk of adverse psychological effects. Has Falun Gong demonstrated any such awareness and has it done anything to try to minimize this risk among its followers?
Who exactly is Li Hongzhi and what is his relationship with his followers? During the discussion at our conference, I pressed some of the Falun Gong members on this question. They had been emphasizing the "exercises." But when the issue of the Chinese government's claim that Li had committed fraud came up, I asked them if their relationship to the exercises would change if it turned out that the government was correct. My reasoning was that if they indeed practice Falun Gong because of the beneficial effects of the exercises, then it would not matter if Li were a crook. If, for example, it were demonstrated that Dr. Atkins had committed grand larceny when he was alive, the effectiveness of his diet would be neither diminished nor augmented for the people who follow it. My question, however, encountered noticeable resistance because, it later turned out, Li Hongzhi is much more than a teacher of valuable spiritual exercises. One of the members in a private conversation acknowledged that he sees Li as a god man, although he was quick to point out that the term doesn't have the same meaning for him as it probably does for a westerner. Whatever Li's status, he certainly talks as though he thinks he is godlike, if not God:

I'm now talking about it from yet another angle, which is, I'm explaining to you why I didn't do it inside the Three Realms when Fa-rectification began. Some students are thinking, "Master doesn't acknowledge the old forces' arrangements. So why doesn't Master instantly destroy the old forces?" Master is able to do that, and no matter how large they are, Master could still do it. But have you thought about this: if I were to redirect the enormous, gigantic energy in the Fa-rectification back here into the Three Realms to do things, it would be like hitting a mosquito with an atomic bomb, it'd be a clumsy use of force. (Hongzhi, 2003, February 15)

In my opinion, Falun Gong members have a right to believe Li is a god man or even God. There are scores of people today whose followers deem them god men. However, if Falun Gong members expect to be taken seriously in their cultivation of "truth," they ought not to hide their beliefs simply because they might be unpopular and incompatible with a public relations message focused more on "effect" than "truth."
Falun Gong and Political Stability

There is little that I can say about this subject that Patsy Rahn (2003) has not said in her fine article in this issue. Rahn discusses the "ruler-sectarian paradigm" as the historical context of the conflict between Falun Gong and the Chinese government: "The pattern of ruling power keeping a watchful eye on sectarian groups, at times being threatened by them, at times raising campaigns against them, began as early as the second century and continued throughout the dynastic period, through the Mao era and into the present" (Rahn, 2003, paragraph 10). There really is nothing new in the Falun-Gong-government conflict, except perhaps the level of support Falun Gong has mustered outside of China.

Rahn presents a set of important questions to the Chinese government:

…is the ruler-sectarian paradigm still valid in the twenty-first century? Do "heterodox" sectarian and religious groups with certain characteristics actually pose a threat and if so, what is the best way to occlude that threat? This over-riding question includes other questions: Is the use of intense national campaigns productive or counter-productive? Is the goal of "keeping stability" legitimately achieved through intense campaigns if they cost the credibility and trust of the Chinese people? Are these campaigns believable anymore to the Chinese people? Is the crisis-management style of legitimating "ruthless and radical" actions against perceived "contradictions between the people and their enemies" still valid in the post-Mao era? (Rahn, 2003, paragraph 76, under heading, "The Chinese Government")

I would add the following questions for the Chinese government to consider:
Given the virtual universality of religion in human culture, is it wise or even feasible to enforce atheism as the "official" state policy, a kind of official state "religion" without ritual? Might it be more effective to keep the state neutral in fundamental beliefs about the cosmos, as is the case in most western democracies, some of which ironically may have higher percentages of atheists than China? This question may be derivative of perhaps a more fundamental question, namely, is it in China's best interests to abandon Marxist ideology, as happened in the former Soviet Union?
Is Falun Gong representative of a wider problem in China (and many other countries, including the United States), namely, the widespread adherence to magical and quasi-magical belief systems and irrational, subjectivist approaches to life? [1] If so, is Falun Gong serving as a scapegoat that deflects attention and resources from the more fundamental social problem?

My main fear when I look at the conflict between Falun Gong and the Chinese government is that the ruler-sectarian paradigm may have reached a point of no return where there are only bad outcomes. If Falun Gong is squashed, many more innocent people will be hurt, China's standing in the community of nations will deteriorate, and civil unrest could grow beneath the repression. If the government were overthrown by an irrational, religious-political movement (which wouldn't necessarily have to be Falun Gong), the entire world will have reason to worry. China is one of the most powerful nations on Earth, and it has a massive arsenal of nuclear and biochemical weapons. Certainly, we don't want to see this arsenal come under the control of a leader with dangerous religious delusions. Some believe that North Korea is particularly worrisome for this reason (Centner, 2002). Hence, I sympathize with those Chinese who fear the rise of religious-political movements. But my heart also goes out to those Falun Gong members who have been beaten or have seen or heard reports from abused family members.

Both sides in the controversy need to put their passion aside. Falun Gong should pay more attention to reports of harm associated with its practices or the organization and actively seek to minimize such harm. The Chinese government should accelerate its movement toward transparency and disown and prosecute those who brutalize people in the name of preserving public order. The short-term benefits that repression brings to government officials and law enforcement authorities may have long-term costs that can only be avoided by taking the risk of granting more freedom now.
References

Asser, S., & Swan, R. (2000). Child fatalities from religion-motivated medical neglect. Cultic Studies Journal, 17, 1-14 (originally published in Pediatrics, 1998, pp. 625-629).

Centner, C. M. (2002). The cult that is North Korea. Cultic Studies Review, 1(3), 292-308. (Also online at www.culticstudiesreview.org.)

Chinese crackdown on religion. (2001, 13 December). Herald Son. http://www.europeaninternet.com/china/frames/frames.php3?webnewsid=880875 (also available in AFF electronic file).

Ching, Julia (2001, Winter). The Falun Gong: Religious and political implications. American Asian Review. http://beta.yellowbrix.com/pages/beta/Story.nsp?story_id=28703021&ID= (also available in AFF electronic file).

Heide, F. L. Relaxation: (1985, April). The storm before the calm. Psychology Today, 19, 18-19.

Heide, F. L., & Borkovec, T. D. (1983). Relaxation-induced anxiety: paradoxical anxiety enhancement due to relaxation training. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 51, 171-182.

Heide, F. L., & Borkovec, T. D. (1984). Relaxation-induced anxiety: mechanism and theoretical implications. Behavior Research and Therapy, 22, 1-12.

Hongzhi, Li. (2003, 15 February). Fa-lecture dring the 2003 Lantern Festival at the U.S. West Fa Conference. http://www.clearwisdom.net/emh/articles/2003/2/27/32713.html.

Hongzhi, Li. (2003, 20 April). Lecture on explaining the Fa at the Metropolitan New York Fa Conference (Draft Version). http://www.clearwisdom.net/emh/articles/2003/5/6/2003nyjiefa.html.

Luo, S. (2003). What Falun Gong Really Teaches. Cultic Studies Review, 2(2) (www.culticstudiesreview.org).

Otis, L. (1985). Adverse effects of Transcendental Mediation. Update: A Quarterly Journal of New Religious Movements, 9, 37-50.

Perez-De-Albeniz, A., & Holmes, J. (2000). Meditation: concepts, effects and uses in therapy. International Journal of Psychotherapy, 5(1), 49-58.

Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary, Second Edition. (2001). New York: Random House.

Rahn, P. (2003). The Chemistry of a Conflict: The Chinese Government and the Falun Gong. ." Cultic Studies Review, 2(2) (www.culticstudiesreview.org).

Robbins, T. (2003). Cults, State Control, and Falun Gong: A Comment on Herbert Rosedale's "Perspectives on Cults as Affected by the September 11th Tragedy." Cultic Studies Review, 2(2) (www.culticstudiesreview.org).

Rosedale, H. R. (2003a). Perspectives on Cults as Affected by the September 11th Tragedy. Cultic Studies Review, 2(1). (www.culticstudiesreview.org).

Rosedale, H. R. (2003b). Ideology, Demonization, and Scholarship: The Need for Objectivity—A Response to Robbins' Comments on Rosedale, the Chinese Government, and Falun Gong. Cultic Studies Review, 2(2) (www.culticstudiesreview.org).

Rosenthal, Elizabeth. (1999, 5 November). While defending crackdown, China admits appeal of sect. http://search.nytimes.com/partners/iib/services/bin/fastweb?getdoc+iib-site+iib-site+66+0+wAAA+cult (also available in AFF electronic file).l

U.N. human rights boss blasts China. (2000, 29 February). Associated Press. http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/i/AP-Hong-Kong-China-Human-Rights.html (also available in AFF electronic file).

Up to 1200 temples destroyed or closed in Chinese crackdown. (2000, 13 December). http://asia.dailynews.yahoo.com/headlines/asia/afp/article.html?s=asia/headlines/001213/asia/afp/Up_to_1_200_temples_destroyed_or_closed_in_Chinese_crackdown.html (also available in AFF electronic file).


[1] In the text of the Chinese Parliament's resolution banning "heretic cults" one paragraph acknowledged this broader problem: "Long-term, comprehensive instruction on the constitution and the law should be carried out among all citizens, knowledge of science and technology should be popularized and the national literacy level raised." (BBC News, 1999, 30 October). Many of us concerned about cult-related harms, including many deeply religious people, have advocated preventive educational programs designed to strengthen the capacity of young people to recognize sophistry and its effects. Religion is not necessarily anti-rational and anti-science; indeed, many pioneers in the history of science were clerics. However, when a religion is so subjective and irrational in its epistemology that no line of reasoning or empirical evidence can alter the leadership's thinking on even minor matters of doctrine, only three ways of managing disagreements between leadership and members remain: coercion, emotional manipulation, and ostracism. Such a "cognitive climate," in my opinion, puts a group at higher risk of developing cultic dynamics of control.

http://www.icsahome.com/articles/reflections-on-falun-gong-and-the-chinese-government

[Vika NSFW]

 The PRC and Falun Gong

Cultic Studies Review, 6(3), 2007, pp. 235-285
The PRC and Falun Gong

Michael D. Langone, Ph.D.

International Cultic Studies Association

Abstract

During the past eight years, well over a thousand news stories concerning Falun Gong have appeared. Many of these deal with the Chinese government’s persecution of the group. The Chinese government accuses Falun Gong of being an “evil cult” that threatens the welfare of the Chinese people. Falun Gong presents itself as a peaceful cultivation movement that is persecuted because of its popularity within China. Although some of the teachings of Falun Gong’s founder, Li Hongzhi, have been widely criticized, there is little evidence in the West of serious and widespread harm to Falun Gong practitioners. The persecution of Falun Gong appears to be rooted in the Communist Party’s unwavering adherence to ideological atheism. This persecution has caused unnecessary and destructive social conflict. The behavior of the Chinese government could, through a process of deviance amplification combined with certain troubling doctrinal tenets of Falun Gong, cause the movement to become more cult-like over time.

The International Cultic Studies Association (formerly AFF, American Family Foundation) first began to look into the relationship between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Falun Gong movement in 2000, when Patsy Rahn, a student of Chinese studies, organized a panel on Falun Gong at our annual conference in Seattle and later published a paper based on her presentation (Rahn, 2000). To our surprise, the Chinese consulate in San Francisco, when it heard of the event, sent a representative to this conference.

We had additional conference sessions on Falun Gong at our 2001 conference in Newark, New Jersey; our 2002 conference in Orlando, Florida; our 2003 conferences in Orange, California and Enfield, Connecticut; and our 2004 conference in Edmonton, Alberta (one session at this conference focused on the human rights issues raised by the government repression of Falun Gong). Chinese scholars and government representatives attended some of these conferences and participated in special discussion sessions. Falun Gong practitioners contributed to the two 2003 conferences and the 2004 conference. In 2002 the China Anti-Cult Association hosted our late President, Herbert Rosedale, Esq., who lectured to several universities and other audiences in China (see Rosedale, 2003a, 2003b). Three persons associated with our organization also lectured in China in November of 2003 (Mr. Rosedale was too ill by that time to participate in the China trip).

Shortly before he died, Mr. Rosedale organized a special dinner with Falun Gong practitioners at our October 2003 conference in Enfield, Connecticut. He had wanted to include Chinese government and Anti-Cult Association representatives at the dinner, but they said they were unable to obtain visas in time for the conference. So at that dinner, we were only able to talk with Falun Gong practitioners, a human rights scholar, and a few critics based in the United States. Mr. Rosedale hoped that our dialogue with both sides of this conflict could result in some measure of reconciliation, some movement toward de-escalation. In hindsight, I see his attempt as well-intentioned but possibly doomed to failure. I now believe that with regard to Falun Gong and the PRC, the die may have been cast even before our first conference session in 2000.

Supplementing our conference sessions were a number of papers that began a dialogue in print in this journal, a dialogue in which this paper is a participant (see also Langone, 2003; Luo, 2003; Rahn, 2003; Robbins, 2003; Rosedale, 2003a; 2003b; and Xie & Zhu, 2004). Editing these papers and communicating with Falun Gong practitioners and Chinese critics of Falun Gong, in particular conversations prior to our Madrid conference in 2005, made clear to me and to the directors of ICSA (then AFF) that both sides were trying to use our organization to advance its agenda against the other. We realized that additional conference presentations on this subject would be fruitless. As a result, the directors of the organization passed the following resolution on April 23, 2004 (International Cultic Studies Association, 2004):

In order to dispel misconceptions that may have arisen in AFF’s [ICSA’s] ongoing dialogue with independent scholars from various countries, Falun Gong practitioners, and Chinese scientists and government officials, AFF [ICSA] wishes to make three points regarding the controversies involving Falun Gong and the Chinese government.

First, AFF [ICSA] upholds every person’s right of freedom of religion and worship, but is concerned about the use of manipulative techniques and undue influence to diminish the freedom of choice and freedom of mind of a group’s members.

Second, AFF [ICSA] urges the Chinese government and Chinese scholars and professionals to respond constructively to reports by well-respected international human rights organizations that the human rights of members of Falun Gong and other religions in China have been systematically violated. The physical brutality and other human rights violations described in these reports should not be tolerated.

Third, reports in the Chinese press and elsewhere that AFF [ICSA] has branded Falun Gong a cult are false, as are reports that AFF [ICSA] has said Falun Gong is not a cult. Although individuals associated with AFF [ICSA] may hold various opinions on this subject, AFF [ICSA] as an organization has not taken a position on the issue. Our Web sites emphasize that lists of groups on which we have information are not lists of “cults.” For more information on AFF’s [ICSA’s] concerns about labeling and definitional issues, see its topic page on definitional issues.

This historical background should make clear that our organization’s goal with regard to the PRC-Falun Gong conflict has been to encourage dialogue while condemning brutality and repression. Individuals associated with ICSA have different opinions regarding the issue, and these opinions sometimes change (this is certainly true for me).

My goal in this paper is to explore the relationship of the PRC, Li Hongzhi, and the Falun Gong movement. Because it is so difficult to obtain reliable information about what is going on in China, my reflections are offered in the spirit of dialogue, with an expectation that opinions may change as more becomes known.  I invited two former contributors to this dialogue to comment on this article: Dr. Frank Xie, a Falun Gong practitioner, and Samuel Luo, a family member of Falun Gong practitioners and a critic of the movement.  Mr. Xie’s comment is included in this issue. Mr. Luo was not able to comment at this time.  The journal remains open to responsible comments on this subject.

I will suggest that (1) the PRC’s unwavering adherence to ideological atheism has caused unnecessary and destructive social conflict resulting from the suppression of Falun Gong and other religious groups; and (2) although there is little evidence outside of China (the evidence within China is suspect because of the closed nature of the society) of harm directly related to Falun Gong other than occasional reports of medical neglect (which in part is a function of the individual practitioner’s psychology), the behavior of the PRC could, through a process of deviance amplification combined with certain troubling doctrinal tenets of Falun Gong (Luo, 2003), cause Falun Gong to become more cult-like over time.
Historical Factors and the PRC

Rahn (2000, 2003) and Ownby (2003) suggest that the Falun Gong, like many sectarian groups in China’s history, poses a perceived threat to the ruling party, in this case the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The CCP’s response has been consistent with how China’s rulers throughout its history have dealt with such perceived threats, what Rahn (2003) calls the “ruler-sectarian paradigm.”

Indeed, this historical response repeated itself after the Communist takeover of China in 1949. According to Ownby (2003), between 1911 and 1949 under the Chinese Republic there was “a veritable explosion of popular religious activity” (p. 231), and “all of these groups were suppressed in the immediate aftermath of the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in a series of campaigns that scholars had generally assumed to have been conclusive” (p. 232). Regarding how the PRC handled this religious activity, Ownby says,

…the Communist state did what the imperial state had done: arrested and executed the worst of the offenders, imprisoned some others—but simply spoke harshly to the majority and sent them home. This meant that the roots of the traditions remained. And indeed, there were many more local rebellions against the Communists, organized around local religious groups, than we have previously been aware of, particularly at moments of crisis—such as during the subsistence crisis provoked by the disastrous failure of Mao Zedong’s Great Leap Forward. (p. 232)

Much of this religious activity, as well as the more recent activity of Falun Gong, should, according to Ownby (2003), “be seen as modern reincarnations—although considerably transformed in important ways—of a particular strand of traditional Chinese popular religion generally referred to in Western scholarly literature as the ‘White Lotus Tradition’ or as ‘folk sectarianism’” (p. 224).
The Qigong Boom

The underground persistence of the White Lotus Tradition after the initial crackdown of the CCP contributed in the 1980s to China’s qigong boom. The glossary in Nova Religio’s special issue on Falun Gong defines qigong as

Exercises to stimulate and direct qi energy within the body to promote health, spiritual growth and balance. Qigong includes body movement, breathing exercises, and meditation. Qigong (or ch’i-kung) has its origins in ancient Chinese practices and worldviews, but separate movements and institutions focused exclusively on qigong began in the twentieth century. (Wessinger, 2003, p. 220)

Ownby (2003) cites sources that indicate that in the spring of 1986 the leaders of the Chinese Qigong Scientific Research Association estimated there were more than 2,000 qigong organizations in China with a combined membership estimated between 60,000,000 and 200,000,000 people.

Ownby (2003) and Beyerstein & Sampson (1997a) suggest that the qigong boom results at least in part from two factors: (1) nationalist pride, which saw qigong as a “Chinese science,” and (2) the government’s desire to reduce healthcare costs, to which qigong initially appeared to contribute.

Despite its initial claim of being a “Chinese science,” qigong, came to imply for many people much more than an exercise regimen to improve health:

…many masters spoke of supernatural powers which qigong could confer on adepts. Such powers included the ability to levitate, to heal illness, to repel objects (including people) by emitting qi from their bodies, the ability to “read via the ear,” (an apparent ability to read papers folded up and placed in the ear) and a host of other remarkable talents, many of which would fall under our category of extrasensory perception. (Ownby, 2003, p. 234)

Li Hongzhi was in the forefront of qigong masters who placed the practices (often referred to as “cultivation”) within a spiritual context. For Li, the exercises are merely the first step in a path of moral and paranormal development, which even in its relatively lower levels reputedly leads to what we would call paranormal experiences. For example, Dr. Frank Xie, a Falun Gong practitioner who has contributed to the dialogue in this journal, says, “Personally, I have experienced the cleaning up of my body to an illness-free state, the celestial eye, and precognition and retro-cognition” (Xie & Zhu, 2004, section: “On ‘Mr. Li Hongzhi and his relationship with his students,’“ paragraph 5).

Li Hongzhi’s Falun Gong movement experienced astonishing growth after its founding in 1992, with membership estimates (Rahn, 2003) ranging from 2,000,000 (the official government estimate) to 80,000,000. Ownby (2001) sees a four-fold explanation for Falun Gong’s popularity: (1) its moral system (truth, compassion, and forbearance); (2) its linking modern science to Chinese traditions; (3) its promise of supernatural powers to practitioners, and (4) its pride in being Chinese. Xie and Zhu (2004) suggest that early on “the Chinese government supported Falun Gong, among other qigongs, as a way to encourage people to maintain health and fitness” (Section II, paragraph 7), while Ownby (2003) points to Falun Gong’s establishment of thousands of practice centers throughout China as another cause of its growth. Falun Gong practitioners will also often point out that Falun Gong was available free or at low cost compared to other qigong systems.

It appears, however, that as the qigong boom began to take on the character of folk sectarianism, some scientists and governmental authorities in the late 1980s became skeptical and challenged the paranormal claims on scientific grounds, in much the same way members of the Committee for the Scientific Investigation of Claims of the Paranormal (CSICOP, now known as CSI, Committee for Skeptical Inquiry) have done in the West (see www.csicop.org). Sima Nan, like James Randi and other pseudoscience debunkers in the West, gave demonstrations in which he exposed certain qigong claims of extraordinary power—e.g., using a sledgehammer to smash concrete slabs on his head (Kurtenbach, October 25, 1999). At the invitation of skeptical Chinese scientists, several delegations from CSICOP visited China to investigate Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) and its involvement with the qigong movement (Beyerstein & Sampson, 1997a, 1997b). Another CSICOP investigation held previously had exposed several prominent qigong masters as charlatans (Alcock, Frazier, Karr, Kurtz, & Randi, 1988). They concluded that

There, as here, superstition, quackery, and pseudoscience have infiltrated academia, and some prominent scientists and philosophers are among the leading apologists. Their appeal to ancient magical ways of thinking, cloaked in pseudoscientific language, sounded depressingly familiar to us. (Beyerstein & Sampson, 1997b, Section, The CAST Symposium, paragraph 13)

I suspect that the CSICOP scientists would criticize Xie & Zhu’s (2004) section entitled “Positivist Research on Qigong? A Caveat” as they criticized some of the TCM physicians whom they interviewed:

While TCM physicians downplayed the importance of statistical approaches and placebo-controlled clinical trials, they did not hesitate to enlist such data when it seemed to their advantage. We came away with the strong feeling that the TCM community, with a few exceptions, does not really understand the power of the placebo effect or the need for double-blind clinical trials. They seemed not to comprehend why we were not impressed by testimonials or anecdotes about individuals who had recovered after TCM treatments... In the end, we were left with the same sense of frustration we often felt after arguing with advocates of alternative medicine at home. (Beyerstein & Sampson, 1997b, section: Conclusion, paragraph 2).

Thus, for several years before the official crackdown on Falun Gong, Chinese scientists and government authorities had been criticizing Falun Gong and other qigong movements in what has been called an “antisuperstition campaign.” Chang (2004) says,

The antisuperstition campaign has been described by the Chinese people as the most destructive and comprehensive event since controls on religion were relaxed in the late 1970s. Even before the formal banning of Falun Gong and other cults in July 1999, the campaign netted more than 20,000 arrests. In 2001, the annual report by the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom confirmed that China’s violation of religious freedom had worsened. By the beginning of 2002, according to another account, some 10,000 religious faithful in China had been fined sums ranging from $0.50 to as much as $800,000; 997 believers were placed under surveillance; 4,014 were sentenced to labor reform; 23,686 were arrested (including an eighty-one-year-old Roman Catholic archbishop); more than 20,000 were beaten; 208 became handicapped; and 129 died from the government’s abuse. (Chang, 2004, pp. 141–142)

Chang further notes that the Hong Kong–based Information Center for Human Rights and Democracy says that “185 different qigong groups were ‘wiped out’ in Shaanxi province alone in 2000. Like Falun Gong, most of them combined the practice of breathing exercises with neo-Buddhist and Daoist beliefs” (Chang, 2004, p. 143).
The Ban on Falun Gong

More specific to Falun Gong, Chang (2004) cites the following events in a section she calls “The Gathering Storm,” which demonstrates that the ban of Falun Gong did not arise out of the blue:

    In 1996, Li’s Rotating the Law Wheel sold nearly a million copies.
    “On July 24 of that year, in the name of combating the spread of superstitious and unscientific ideas, the government’s Press and Publications Administration banned the sale of China Falun Gong and four other sect publications.” (p. 6)
    After this ban and accusations that he had bilked the public, Li withdrew his group from the Qigong Research Association of China (QRAC).
    In October of 1996, the government increased scrutiny of qigong groups and began to demand they obtain prior permission before practicing in public places.
    In November of 1996, Li was ejected from the Qigong Science Institute.
    In early 1998, Li emigrated from China to the United States.

The event that is often pointed to as pivotal occurred on April 25, 1999, when thousands of Falun Gong practitioners assembled near Zhongnanhai, the home of the Communist Party’s leaders. That gathering reportedly shocked PRC leaders, who officially banned the group on July 22, 1999. Fisher (2003) suggests that

A major reason Falun Gong was banned was because of the audacity of the protest at Zhongnanhai on 25 April 1999... First, a direct protest at Zhongnanhai, the home of the Communist party’s leaders, is extremely rare in the PRC’s history. Even the 1989 demonstrators mostly stayed away from Zhongnanhai and focused their demonstrations on Tiananmen Square, where subsequent Falun Gong demonstrations have taken place. Second, the demographics of the demonstrators must have surprised the government leaders. These were not the fresh-faced youth of 1989 who had grown up in a post-Cultural Revolution political thaw. Most of the Zhongnanhai practitioners were elderly retirees, many with positions of leadership within the Communist party. They had experienced a lifetime of campaigns and purges and knew all too well the consequences of resistance—yet resist they did. (pp. 303–304)

Xie (personal e-mail communication, February 5, 2004) challenges this interpretation:

In China, since the judicial system is less than perfect, and there were lots of animosities arising from the government’s abuse of power during the Cultural Revolution, the government itself set up the People’s Appeal Office, as a way to channel dissatisfaction and anger among the public, since civil lawsuit against government is not allowed. The Appeal Office system was established after the Cultural Revolution and became a unique way for the communication between government and people.

Those 10,000 FLG practitioners were going to the Appeal’s Office on Fuyoujie (Fuyou Street), the street west of Zhongnanhai (see map below) to appeal, not “marching” into Zhongnanhai. It was not a protest, they had no banners, they chanted no slogans, and they were simply and quietly waiting in cue [sic] to register at the Appeal’s Office and to make their case.

As you can see from the pictures below, they were quietly standing in line on the sidewalk ready to meet with the Appeal’s Office officials. They were not marching, they were not even moving, and the police were at ease, and was [sic] watching by the side. What happened subsequently showed that appeal was not even viewed as demonstration by the government, as then Prime Minister Zhu Rongji actually met with a few representatives and invited them to go into the compound to talk. The talk was successful, the government released those detained in Tianjin, and all 10,000 practitioners dispersed quietly without any incident.

Although the audacity of Falun Gong practitioners assembling at Zhongnanhai may nonetheless have unsettled Jiang and other Chinese leaders, the criticisms of qigong described above and Chang’s description of the “antisuperstition campaign” suggest that the banning of Falun Gong had deeper and broader roots than the event of April 25, 1999. Indeed, the ban appears to have been one element in a broader PRC strategy, a manifestation of the ruler-sectarian paradigm (Rahn, 2003) to rein in the growing folk sectarianism that, according to Ownby (2003), periodically resurfaces to threaten the ruling authorities.
Two Clashing Trends

Thus, it seems that two powerful trends in China collided in the late 1990s. First, there was an upsurge in spiritual fervor, perhaps most exemplified by, but certainly not limited to, Falun Gong. The second powerful trend was a reevaluation of the qigong boom as it began to resemble more and more the quasi-magical, folk sectarianism that the PRC suppressed in the 1950s. The official state atheism of the PRC could tolerate qigong, so long as it could be conceptualized as a “Chinese science.” But as elements of the qigong boom began to take on a spiritual flavor, the State felt threatened, especially when the trend was considered within the context of a broader religious revival of Buddhist, Daoist, and Christian groups that, according to the U.S. Department of State (2004a), the PRC viewed with suspicion.

The result, in accordance with the historical ruler-sectarian paradigm, was a general suppression of religion, with the banning of Falun Gong in 1999 being the most conspicuous in a series of events. Falun Gong, though clearly a threat in the government’s eyes, may function as a scapegoat for China’s “antisuperstition campaign.” By focusing the public’s attention on one group, the authorities can communicate more effectively their disapproval of a variety of beliefs, attitudes, and practices that might be associated with many groups. If enough fear can be associated with the scapegoat, then people will tend to avoid other groups that even slightly resemble the scapegoat. In a private conversation, a human rights colleague described the fear associated with Falun Gong, which he observed in a visit to China:

One could not even ask regular citizens about where to find critical literature about the sect. The sole mention of Falun’s name immediately provoked reactions of fear and silence, and most potential interviewees rapidly withdrew. Those willing to talk did it hushedly, quickly, and recounted incidents like the supposed public immolation in the Square with added gruesome details and inflated numbers of alleged participants. I was advised by some interviewees to not ask questions about the group to avoid getting in trouble, nor even to ask around to buy critical literature about them.
Power and the CCP

It appears that the crackdown on Falun Gong and the broader “antisuperstition campaign” are part of a coordinated program of actions designed to maintain the CCP’s hold on power and the purity of its atheistic dogma among China’s citizens. However much Western democrats may object to the PRC’s tactics, its actions are consistent with the Communist philosophy that has dominated China for 60 years. Two aspects of this philosophy are particularly noteworthy.

First, the PRC seems to rely not on the “rule of law” that governs modern nations, but on “rule by law.” Edelman and Richardson describe the distinction:

Unlike the West, where law is usually seen as a constraint on the power of the state, the PRC views law as a means to maintain stability, regulate society, protect the interests of the Communist ruling class, and strengthen and enforce the government’s authority. The legal system is in place as a weapon against “spiritual pollution” and “bourgeois liberalization.” The content of law focuses on preserving the social order through the imposition of duties upon citizens. Law is not a method to constrain the state’s actions, but a means to guarantee that the people will perform their duties. (Edelman & Richardson, 2003, p. 314)

Rule of law puts limits on the powerful, thereby making it easier for a society to take corrective actions with regard to its problems. Rule by law makes it easier for the powerful to disguise their shortcomings. The campaign against superstition, then, may divert attention from other problems, an opinion held by Chang.

What Beijing fears is not so much Falun Gong itself, but what it represents—the underlying problems and instability in Chinese society ...That a set of beliefs as fantastic as those of Falun Gong can capture the allegiance of perhaps as many as 100 million people—most of whom are members of the educated middle class, including some from the party, military, and government—speaks to the presence of a profound malaise in Chinese society. (Chang, 2004, pp. 134–135)

Also essential to the CCP’s holding onto power is maintaining the Marxist faith in scientific materialism (atheism), which is viewed as enhancing China’s technological and economic potential. Hu Ping argues against state atheism on practical grounds:

Marx believed that by eradicating the undesirable aspects of society that engendered religion, human society could attain a rational condition and no longer need the illusion of religion. But this notion was itself an illusion, because human society cannot possibly reach a perfect situation. Put another way, religion is rooted not only in society, but in humanity itself. It is an illusion to believe that human beings can live without illusion. (Ping, 2003, p. 19)

Quoting Gibbon, Ping maintains that the wise leader employs religion to maintain order:

The various modes of worship, which prevailed in the Roman world, were all considered by the people, as equally true; by the philosopher, as equally false; and by the magistrate, as equally useful. (Ping, 2003, p. 20)

The PRC’s antisuperstition campaign, according to Ping, exacerbated, rather than ameliorated, the nation’s problems:

Out of an inability to recognize the trends of the times, and a wish to reestablish and rejuvenate ideological control, Jiang Zemin mobilized the entire Party machinery to suppress Falungong, and at the same time to wipe out Zhong Gong, Xiang Gong and other religious groups. By doing so he turned against himself a power that originally posed no threat to him. And by taking action on the basis of protecting the CCP’s rule, Jiang Zemin committed an error that will be difficult for the government to resolve. (Ping, 2003, p. 20)
The International Religious Freedom Report

An examination of the U.S. Department of State’s International Religious Freedom Report 2004 (U.S. Department of State, 2004a) details abuses within China.

The IRF Report clearly criticizes the PRC:

Since 1999, the Secretary of State has designated China a “Country of Particular Concern” under the International Religious Freedom Act for particularly severe violations of religious freedom. (paragraph 7)

The Constitution provides for freedom of religious belief and the freedom not to believe; however, the Government seeks to restrict religious practice to government-sanctioned organizations and registered places of worship and to control the growth and scope of activities of religious groups. The Government tries to control and regulate religious groups to prevent the rise of groups that could constitute sources of authority outside of the control of the Government and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Despite these efforts at government control, membership in many faiths is growing rapidly. (paragraph 2)

The critique of the PRC stands in contrast to the evaluation of Hong Kong and Macao, which have some autonomy from the central government. Let us look at a few quotes from the section on Hong Kong as an example:

Religious groups are not required to register with the Government and are exempted specifically from the Societies Ordinance, which requires the registration of nongovernmental organizations. Catholics in HKSAR recognize the Pope as the head of the Catholic Church. (section: Hong Kong, Section II, paragraph 2)

Religious groups have a long history of cooperating with the Government on social welfare projects. For example, the Government often funds the operating costs of schools and hospitals built by religious groups. (section: Hong Kong, Section II, paragraph 6)

The spiritual group Falun Gong is free to practice, organize, conduct public demonstrations, and attract public attention for its movement [emphasis added]. The number of Falun Gong practitioners in the HKSAR is reported to have dropped from approximately 1,000 to approximately 500 since the crackdown on the mainland began in mid-1999, although government officials claim that the number is lower for both periods. During the period covered by this report, Falun Gong regularly conducted public protests against the repression of fellow practitioners in the PRC, holding daily protests in the vicinity of the Hong Kong offices of the PRC Government. At least two bookstores carried Falun Gong books. Three local newspapers printed ads purchased by the group protesting the PRC Government’s actions against its members. In May more than 700 Falun Gong adherents, including 350 from overseas, held an annual conference at a privately owned facility in Hong Kong. Twenty-three practitioners from Taiwan and 6 from Macau were denied entry, while 250 Taiwan practitioners and 4 Macau practitioners were allowed entry to attend the conference. The Government stated “security” was the reason for barring the entry of the 29 practitioners. (section: Hong Kong, Section II, paragraph 11)

Abuses of religious freedom in the PRC are numerous, according to the IRF Report, as well as reports from human rights organizations (Amnesty International Reports: China, 2003; Olesen, 2005, December 2; “UN Human Rights,” Feb. 29, 2000; Up to 1200 Temples Destroyed, December 13, 2000). The government’s behavior toward religious groups, however, seems in large part to be a function of the degree to which the particular group is perceived as interfering with the goals of the State. The IRF Report quotes a 2002 State Councilor, speaking to a delegation of National People’s Congress delegates:

“while enjoying the rights of religious freedom, the citizens who have religious beliefs must place the basic interests of the State and the people before everything else,” and that “we must not use the freedom of religious belief as an excuse to abandon or to dodge the management of religious affairs by the State.” (United States Department of State, 2004a, Section II: Status of Religious Freedom, subsection: Restrictions on Religious Freedom, paragraph 19)

There is also a suspicion toward foreigners who may be perceived as using religion to undermine the CCP. The Catholic Church, for example, has been targeted since 1999, when “the Party’s Central Committee issued a document directing the authorities to tighten control over the official Catholic Church and to eliminate the underground Catholic Church” (Section II: Status of Religious Freedom, Subsection Restrictions on Religious Freedom, paragraph 16). The IRF Report states that at a high-level meeting in November 2003 of the CCP Central Committee, “The conference advised that officials should guard against Christian-influenced ‘cults’ and avoid negative influences, including ‘foreign infiltration under cover of religion’“ (Section II: Status of Religious Freedom; Subsection 1: Legal/Policy Framework; paragraph 10).

Although Buddhism and Taoism are tolerated more than Christianity, even these religious groups seem to be facing greater restrictions as they grow in popularity. The same seems to hold for folk religions, or what the government has labeled “feudal superstition.” The most serious repression, however, seems to be directed at groups labeled “cults.” The IRF Report states,

In 1995, the State Council and the CCP’s Central Committee issued a circular labeling a number of religious organizations “cults” and making them illegal. Among these were the “Shouters” (founded in the United States in 1962), Eastern Lightning, the Society of Disciples (Mentu Hui), the Full Scope Church, the Spirit Sect, the New Testament Church, and the Guan Yin (also known as Guanyin Famin, or the Way of the Goddess of Mercy).

In 1999, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress adopted a decision, under Article 300 of the Criminal Law, to ban all groups the Government determined to be “cults,” including the Falun Gong. The Supreme People’s Court and the Supreme People’s Procuratorate also provided legal directives on applying the existing criminal law to the Falun Gong. The law, as applied following these actions, specifies prison terms of 3 to 7 years for “cult” members who “disrupt public order” or distribute publications. Under the law, “cult” leaders and recruiters may be sentenced to 7 years or more in prison. (United States Department of State, 2004a, Section II: Status of Religious Freedom; subsection: Restrictions on Religious Freedom, paragraphs 4 and 5)

Although Falun Gong is not the only targeted cult, it appears to experience the brunt of the government’s repression, perhaps in part because it has been so successful in drawing international attention to abuses of religious freedom in China. The IRF Report states: “Foreign observers estimate that half of the 250,000 officially recorded inmates in the country’s reeducation-through-labor camps are Falun Gong adherents” (United States Department of State, 2004a, Section II: Status of Religious Freedom; subsection: Abuses of Religious Freedom, paragraph 3)

Despite the severity of the persecution, the picture is not uniformly dark, in large part because not all religious and spiritual groups are perceived to be a threat, and because local authorities may vary in how they interpret the central government’s directives:

In other localities, however, officials worked closely with registered and unregistered Buddhist, Muslim, Catholic, and Protestant groups to accomplish religious and social goals... Nonetheless, some local officials encouraged foreign religious groups to work in their communities to supply social services, provided that the groups did not proselytize openly. Many religious adherents reported that they were able to practice their faith in officially registered places of worship without interference from the authorities. Official sources, religious professionals, and persons who attend services at both officially sanctioned and underground places of worship all reported that the number of believers in the country continued to grow. (United States Department of State, 2004a, paragraph 3)

Former TIME Magazine bureau chief in Beijing, David Aikman, author of Jesus in Beijing: How Christianity is Transforming China and Changing the Global Balance of Power, says, according to Agape Press (November 25, 2003),

Christians are persecuted in the country, but it is not happening everywhere... even though Chinese officials have instructions at the national level from the Public Security Bureau to “suppress any social or religious activity that is not controlled by the government,” not all regional authorities carry out those instructions in the same way... The author says this results in sporadic, intense persecution happening in certain parts of some provinces, while in other provinces sometimes “next door,” Christians are generally left alone.
Communicating Across Worldviews

Herbert Rosedale and the other people associated with ICSA who have traveled to China (Livia Bardin, M.S.W.; Ron Burks, Ph.D.; Ronald Loomis) indicate in personal communications that this picture of mixed responses gives them hope that their interactions with Chinese professionals, scholars, and government officials may indeed have some positive effects. Falun Gong practitioners, however, maintain that any positive benefits are far outweighed by the visits’ propaganda benefits to the PRC (Xie & Zhu, 2004).

It is important to keep in mind that the worldview promulgated by the CCP is fundamentally different from that of Western democracies. Many of the scholars, scientists, helping professionals, and government officials my colleagues and I have talked to seem to be very sincere in their belief that Falun Gong is a serious threat that should be dealt with decisively. Indeed, some seem to find it hard to believe that Western democracies don’t do more to protect their citizens against the harmful effects of cultic groups. In a paper presented at the 2002 ICSA conference in Orlando, Professor Xi Wuyi said, “Any responsible government has the duty to provide the people with a basically peaceful society, and might use every means of the state machinery to defend the social order” (Xi, 2002, p. 3).

The tone of this view (“every means of the state machinery”) grates against American (and I suspect many other Western) sensibilities reared on the individualistic notion that government should be subservient to the will of the people, not the converse, and that the balance between individual freedom and social order should tilt decisively toward individual freedom.

China, on the other hand, rests on more than two millennia of the Confucian tradition, which still prevails despite early Communist attempts to destroy it. This tradition’s central value is obedience to those above one in the social hierarchy, with the emperor (today, the CCP) being the ultimate authority (Shane, 2003).

Today the state “religion” is scientific atheism. Although it may not be as existentially satisfying as other, more obvious religions (see Ping, 2003), the CCP’s scientific atheism, surprisingly more Confucian than it at first appears, does provide a meaningful system within which hundreds of millions of people live. Shane (2003) provides the following interesting quotation from Li relevant to this point:

[According to Li, in the] internal model proper modes of behavior are taught not through written laws, but rather through a lengthy and continuing educational process whereby a person first learns and then internalizes the socially accepted values and norms... This model seems to include many traditional Chinese ideas and practices. Especially striking is its similarity to the concept of li [“the quality of propriety or proper behavior”—p. 13]. Both rely heavily upon persuasion and education rather than force. Indeed, if one substitutes the term “socialist morality” for “Confucian morality” and the term “comrade” for “chun-tzu” (gentleman), one can use some of the Chinese classics to describe this model of law. (p. 23)

Thus, the PRC’s “reeducation centers” may be consistent with China’s cultural heritage, as may be the sometimes brutal punishment, however unjustified in Western eyes, of those who resist “reeducation.” Propriety—i.e., conformity, in relation to one’s social superiors—trumps values such as individual religious freedom. When the State decides that belief system “A” is “bad,” it becomes the citizen’s duty to reject “A.”

This attitude of conformity is antithetical to Western democratic culture and explains why some Chinese may interpret Western outrage against PRC repression as offensive. The repression’s success depends upon the PRC’s having the support of enough people to quash, through social pressure and coercion, those who might object to the harsh tactics designed to stifle those who refuse to reject belief system “A.”

My interpretation of certain statistics from the IRF Report (U.S. Department of State, 2004a) suggests that the PRC may have this threshold level of support. In China there are “more than 200 million religious adherents, representing a great variety of beliefs and practices ... the country has more than 100,000 sites for religious activities, 300,000 clergy, more than 3,000 religious organizations, and 74 training centers for clergy” (U.S. Department of State, 2004a, Section 1: Religious Demography, paragraph 1). Given the widespread reports of religious growth in China, some might question these figures, even though they are quite impressive in absolute terms. These estimates, however, would have to be increased nearly four-fold before religious adherents would outnumber the nonreligious among China’s 1.3 billion people. Even then, there would be hundreds of millions of nonreligious persons.

Moreover, the power of the state “religion” of atheism is enhanced by the fact that although

...the law does not prohibit religious believers from holding public office ... party membership is required for almost all high-level positions in government, state-owned businesses, and many official organizations. Communist Party officials restated during the period covered by this report that party membership and religious belief were incompatible. The CCP reportedly has issued two circulars since 1995 ordering party members not to hold religious beliefs and ordering the expulsion of party members who belong to religious organizations, whether open or clandestine... The “Routine Service Regulations” of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) state explicitly that servicemen “may not take part in religious or superstitious activities.” Party and PLA military personnel have been expelled for adhering to the Falun Gong spiritual movement. (U.S. Department of State, 2004a, section: “Restrictions on Religious Freedom,” paragraph 14)

That numerous party members have been attracted to spiritual and religious movements, especially Falun Gong (Rahn, 2000), appears to have been a significant factor in the PRC’s crackdown on Falun Gong and “superstition.”

However much we in the West may feel repelled by the closed, authoritarian Communist system and the many abuses of which it is accused, we should not let our emotions cause us to underestimate the resilience of this system. Recall that after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the protests at Tiananmen Square, and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, many pundits predicted that Castro would fall within six months and that Chinese Communism also would soon collapse. Eighteen years later, both Castro and the CCP still rule their respective countries.

It seems to me that the CCP may very well be successfully containing the recent upsurge of folk sectarianism. The Party’s future stability may depend more on its capacity to meet its citizens’ economic needs than their existential religious needs. After all, successful rebellions in the ruler-sectarian paradigm are the exception rather than the rule.

A Christian Science Monitor article on the growth of Christianity in China contains a telling anecdote that reveals the persuasive power of individual economic advancement:

Ji, the home-church believer in Beijing, for example, jokes about one leading theological institute as a place where first-year students believe in God. By the second year, they are merely “good men.” By the third year, “you become a ghost who no longer believes in grace or being saved. But you are a ghost with a car, a salary, and a job.” (Marquand, 2003)

If the CCP can meet the consumerist needs of a large enough proportion of the country’s people, the people may be willing to live with a level of fear and repression that would be unacceptable in Western democracies. If the CCP falters, it may do so because of economic failures, not the repression of religious minorities.

A conversation I had with a Chinese lady, who came to the United States about 20 years ago, is perhaps a revealing anecdote. She seemed not at all favorably disposed to Falun Gong, even though she had at least one relative who was a practitioner. I brought up the human rights issue. She told me that she had recently visited China after many years. She was so impressed by the economic progress in China that she seemed willing to tolerate the human rights abuses as regrettable lapses by a government that “must be doing something right.”

A New York Times report on China’s labor re-education camps concludes that

The expense of creating those programs, and the question of what would be done with the 300,000 people in the camp system, are issues slowing efforts for change. Another is the absence of any broad public outcry or anger about the system.

“A lot of the public also wants more security,” said Mao Shoulong, a professor and specialist in public administration at People’s University in Beijing who wants to abolish the system but notes that public attitudes toward even petty criminals can be harsh in China. “When the Chinese see a thief, they want him beaten to death.”

China’s court system remains relatively weak, but advocates of a stronger system have won some recent related victories in curbing police arrest powers and strengthening death penalty appeals to increase the rights to criminal defendants. Still, Mr. Chen, the law school deputy dean, said those changes “will be empty if they don’t change labor re-education.”

“The criminal procedure law is now quite strict but labor re-education is a black hole,” he added.

Mr. Gao, the Beijing lawyer, said Falun Gong followers were still being jailed and labor re-education camps were also now being used to jail some of the petitioners complaining at government offices about corruption or illegal land seizures.

“Unless there are massive structural changes in the way power is organized and allocated in China, there is going to be no change,” he said. (Yardley, 2005, May 9)

Such pessimistic views about the likelihood of democratic reform in China sadden me, for I have personally liked nearly all of the two dozen or so Falun Gong practitioners with whom I have come into contact, and I sympathize with those who worry about or grieve for relatives who have been jailed or abused in China.

The practitioners I have met, though not a representative sample of the entire practitioner population, strike me as sincerely well intentioned, intelligent, and warm. Although they are sometimes annoying in their persistent campaign against the repression going on in China (mainly because of the selective omission of certain facts about Li Hongzhi in their presentations), I’m inclined to forgive their behavior. If my relatives or friends were being beaten or even merely jailed for their religious beliefs, I’d probably join a campaign designed to help them.

I suspect, however, that the practitioners are going to lose, although I hope that I am wrong. The PRC doggedly pursues its objectives, resistant if not impervious to outside criticisms:

During the period covered by this report, the Government suspended the official U.S.-China Human Rights Dialogue, which included religious freedom as a major agenda item. The most recent Dialogue session took place in December 2002, at which the Government stated its willingness to clarify its policy on religious education for minors. It also committed to invite the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom and the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance to visit the country. However, the Government did not schedule these visits during the period covered by this report. (U.S. Department of State, 2004a, China, Section IV: U.S. Government Policy, paragraph 4)

Indeed, even in April 2006, during a state visit to Washington, “Chinese President Hu Jintao sought to convince President Bush to publicly declare the Falun Gong religious group an ‘evil cult’ that should be banned.” Bush declined. (Farby, 2006, April 27).

I hope that the PRC somehow finds a face-saving way of backing away from the abusive treatment of Falun Gong practitioners and other religious adherents and begins to relax the restraints on all religious groups. Certainly, the majority of Chinese scholars, helping professionals, and government officials I have met, like the Falun Gong practitioners, seem well-intentioned. But they may be caught up in a system of social conformity and control that, some would argue, is more cultic than the Falun Gong movement that it demonizes. A section of Chang’s book is ironically entitled, “It Takes a Cult to Know a Cult” (Chang, 2004, pp. 130–133). She argues that the CCP, especially under Mao, should be classified as a cult according to the definition it uses to justify suppression of Falun Gong and other groups.

Despite its deficiencies, I must say that I am inclined to cut the PRC a bit of slack because we can count on its leaders to behave rationally vis-a-vis nuclear and biochemical weapons. The Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) doctrine worked with the Soviets and works with the Chinese Communists because they will act in their rational self-interest. A religious fanatic, such as Aum Shinrikyo’s Shoko Asahara, however, might act according to an irrational paranoid delusional system, rather than rational self-interest (I’m not implying that Li Hongzhi is such a fanatic, although he could be—I simply don’t know enough about him to even have an opinion.).

Of course, the choice is not either a repressive PRC or a delusional religious fanatic. Hong Kong, Macao, and especially Taiwan meet their citizens’ economic needs without suppressing their religious freedoms. Falun Gong and other religious groups that the CCP portrays as a grave threat to social order seem not to threaten these other three Chinese communities. Consider the following paragraphs from the International Religious Freedom Report 2004 on Taiwan:

Taiwan has a total area of approximately 13,892 square miles, and its population is approximately 23 million. While the authorities do not collect or independently verify statistics on religious affiliation, they maintain registration statistics voluntarily reported by the religious organizations. In 2003, statistics reported by registered organizations suggest that of the total population 7,600,000 (33 percent) were Taoist; 5,486,000 (23.9 percent) Buddhist; 791,000 (3.4 percent) I Kuan Tao; 605,000 (2.6 percent) Protestant; 279,232 (1.2 percent) Tien Ti Chiao (Heaven Emperor Religion); 200,000 (0.8 percent) Tien Te Chiao (Heaven Virtue Religion); 182,814 (0.7 percent) Roman Catholics; 182,000 (0.7 percent) practiced Li-ism; 152,500 (0.6 percent) Hsuan Yuan Chiao (Yellow Emperor Religion); 110,000 (0.4 percent) Maitreya Great Tao; 58,000 (0.2 percent) Sunni Muslim; and 30,000 (0.1 percent) Tien Li Chiao (Heaven Reason Religion).

In addition the Church of Scientology reported 16,000 members; the Baha’i Faith reported 16,000; Confucians reported 13,000; World Red Swastika Society reported 5,000; Zhonghua Sheng Chiao (Chinese Holy Religion) reported 3,200; Maitreya Emperor Religion reported 3,000; Hai Tzu Tao (Innocent Child Religion) reported 2,300; Ta I Chiao (Great Changes Religion) reported 1,000; Mahikari Religion reported 1,000; and Huang Chung (Yellow Middle) reported 850. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), Secret Sect of Tibetan Lamaism (Mizong Buddhism), and Unification Church are also registered but did not provide membership statistics.

The non-Catholic Christian denominations include Presbyterians, True Jesus, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Baptists, Lutherans, Seventh-day Adventists, Episcopalians, and Jehovah’s Witnesses. There also are a small number of Jews. More than 70 percent of the indigenous population (Aborigines) is Christian. The majority of religious adherents are either Buddhist or Taoist, but many people consider themselves both Buddhist and Taoist. Approximately 50 percent of the population regularly participates in some form of organized religious practice. Almost 14 percent of the population is believed to be atheist.

In addition to practicing religion, many persons also follow a collection of beliefs that are deeply ingrained in Chinese culture that can be referred to as “traditional Chinese folk religion.” These beliefs include, but are not limited to, shamanism, ancestor worship, magic, ghosts and other spirits, and aspects of animism. Such folk religion may overlap with an individual’s belief in Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism, or other traditional Chinese religions. There also may be an overlap between practitioners of such religions as Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism, and practitioners of Falun Gong, which is registered as a civic rather than religious organization. Falun Gong membership has grown rapidly in recent years to as many as 300,000. [emphasis added] Observers have estimated that as much as 80 percent of the population believes in some form of traditional folk religion. (U.S. Department of State, 2004b, Section I: Religious Demography, paragraphs 1–4)

The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the authorities generally respect this right in practice. The authorities at all levels strive to protect this right in full and do not tolerate its abuse, either by the authorities or private actors. There is no state religion. (U.S. Department of State, 2004b, Section II, subsection: Legal/Policy Framework, paragraph 1)

Taiwan is a modern, technologically sophisticated society. Yet only 14 percent of its population is atheist, and as much as 80 percent believe in some form of traditional folk religion.

Perhaps religion, even “superstitious” religion, is not so grave a threat to social order and scientific and economic development as the PRC makes it out to be.

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Li Hongzhi: Teacher, Schemer, or Dreamer?

In their public presentations, Falun Gong practitioners emphasize the movement’s moral principles of Zhen-Shan-Ren. “Zhen means ‘truth, truthfulness’; Shan, ‘benevolence, compassion, kindness’; Ren, “forbearance, tolerance, endurance, self-control” (Li, 2001, “Lunyu” [prefatory “explanation using language”]). They also talk about the health benefits that arise from the practice of the exercises and application of the moral principles. They conspicuously downplay the role of Li Hongzhi, whom they refer to as “just a teacher.”
Zhuan Falun: Li as Teacher

When one reads Zhuan Falun: The Complete Teachings of Falun Gong (Li, 2001), however, one quickly realizes that Li is much more than “just a teacher.” He does not present himself as a “god man” as that term is used by some Indian gurus. He does not present himself as “God” as Westerners typically define this term (i.e., “first cause,” “creator”).

He does, however, present himself as the most advanced spiritual being of our time, if not all of human history:

I am the only person genuinely teaching qigong toward high levels at home and abroad. (Li, 2001, p. 1)

At present, no other person is truly teaching people toward high levels like me. In the future you will realize what I have done for you. (Li, 2001, p. 47)

Li, in Zhuan Falun, appears to be subject to the Buddha Fa, the fundamental nature of the universe, that “offers insight into all mysteries, encompassing everything and omitting nothing” (Li, 2001, p. 1). Li’s task is to teach people a cultivation practice (Falun Gong) that will enable them to “return to their original, true selves” (Li, 2001, p. 5). Li says that the Buddha Fa is “also what the Dao School calls the Dao, and what the Buddha School calls the Fa” (Li, 2001, “Lunyu”). He defines “Fa” as “Law,” “Way,” or “Principles” (Li, 2001, “Lunyu”). However, he elsewhere suggests that the Buddha Fa is more fundamental than Fa:

Different levels have different Fa, and different dimensions have different Fa, all of which are the various manifestations of the Buddha Fa in different dimensions and at different levels... What is the Buddha Fa, then? The most fundamental nature of this universe, Zhen-Shan-Ren, is the highest manifestation of the Buddha Fa. It is the most fundamental Buddha Fa. The Buddha Fa manifests different forms at different levels and assumes different guiding roles at different levels. The lower the level, the more complex. This nature, Zhen-Shan-Ren, is in the microscopic particles of air, rock, wood, soil, iron and steel, the human body, as well as in all matter. (Li, 2001, pp. 14–15)

Lu (2005), however, quotes a 1998 talk by Li in which he elevates himself above the Fa: “No matter how great the Law is, I am not within it. Except me, all beings are in the law” (Lu, 2005, p. 178).

Li’s teachings are the “Dafa” or “Great Law, or “Great Way” (Li, 2001, p. 2). “Falun,” according to the glossary in Nova Religio (Wessinger, 2003), is a “‘law wheel,’ an energy center similar to chakra in Hindu and Buddhist systems” (p. 218). Li says,

Our Falun Dafa is one of the eighty-four thousand cultivation ways in the Buddha School. During the historical period of this human civilization, it has never been made public. In a prehistoric period, however, it was once widely used to provide salvation to humankind. In this final period of Last Havoc, I am making it public again. Therefore, it is extremely precious. (Li, 2001, p. 38)

In an unsystematic way Li presents a set of metaphysical assertions based on the notion of Buddha Fa that, so far as I can determine, are related to, but distinct from, traditional Buddhist schools. He uses scientific-sounding terms to assert without evidence or rational argument a fantastic universe. The skeptical reader (as with the preceding quotation) cannot help but ask, “How does he know these things?”

He distinguishes, for example, between one’s Primordial Spirit and Assistant Primordial Spirit. The former “refers to our own minds... your real self” (Li, 2001, p. 314), while the latter, though “born simultaneously with the same name, same appearance, and control the same body, it is not you in a strict sense” (Li, 2001, p. 315). Li’s sometimes embarrassingly naive use of scientific-sounding terms is apparent in a paragraph elaborating upon the Primordial Spirit:

...one’s Primordial Spirit does not become extinct. In the past, people might call it superstitious to discuss the human Primordial Spirit. It is known that research on the human body in physics has found molecules, protons, electrons, going further down to quarks, neutrinos, etc. At that point, a microscope can no longer detect them. Yet they are far from the origin of life and from the origin of matter. Everyone knows that it requires a considerable amount of energy collision and a great amount of heat to enable fusion or nuclear fission to occur. How could the nuclei in one’s body easily become extinct as one dies? Therefore, we have found that when a person is dead, only the largest molecular elements in this dimension of ours have sloughed off, while the bodies in other dimensions are not degenerated. (Li, 2001, p. 31)

Li speaks authoritatively about confusing “dimensions” and “realms”; what we call our “universe” is but one of many interacting levels:

The Three Realms that religions mention refer to the nine levels of heaven or the thirty-three levels of heaven—namely, heaven, Earth, and the underworld, including all beings within the Three Realms. (Li, 2001, p. 78)

Catastrophe is a natural part of the evolution of our universe:

Every time our universe goes through a period of a great many years, it always experiences a great catastrophe which destroys everything in the universe, including planets and all lives... as far as the present time is concerned, a big explosion occurred long ago in the space of this universe. Today, astronomers cannot observe it because what we can now see through the most powerful telescopes are things 150 thousand light years away [another scientific error; should be billions of light years]. Yet not everyone has been wiped out from the blast each time. After the new universe is reconstructed by the great enlightened beings at an extremely high level, there are still some that survive the explosion... Thus, those who escaped the explosion have become the demons that interfere with the principles of the universe. (Li, 2001, p. 191–192)

I made a careful investigation once and found that humankind has undergone complete annihilation eighty-one times. (Li, 2001, p. 21)

Li is here to save people by teaching them the cultivation practice of Falun Gong to bring them to high levels. What traditional qigong masters teach belongs only “to the level of healing and fitness” (Li, 2001, p. 1). In Falun Gong healing is more of a prerequisite or side-effect than a goal (although some maintain that Falun Gong deliberately emphasizes healing to “ordinary people” who might become practitioners—Palmer, 2003):

I do not talk about healing illness here, nor will we heal illness. As a genuine practitioner, however, you cannot practice cultivation with an ill body. I will purify your body. The body purification will be done only for those who come to truly learn and practice the Fa. We emphasize one point: If you cannot relinquish the attachment or concern for illness, we cannot do anything and will be unable to help you. Why is this? It is because there is such a principle in the universe... Due to karma resulting from past wrongdoing, one has illnesses or tribulations; suffering is repaying a karmic debt, and thus nobody can casually change this... To really dispel such tribulations, karma must be eliminated. (Li, 2001, p. 3)

Fortunately,

the great enlightened beings gave [humans] one more chance and constructed this special environment and unique dimension... In order to cure illness or eliminate tribulations and karma, these people must practice cultivation and return to their original, true selves. (Li, 2001, pp. 4–5)

With regard to health and illness, Li seems to place himself in a nonfalsifiable position. If a follower gets ill, it might be because he didn’t “relinquish the attachment or concern for illness,” which is a prerequisite to helping him. Or perhaps what nonpractitioners might label “illness” might, in Li’s philosophy, be reframed and called a “tribulation,” for “suffering is repaying a karmic debt” (Li, 2001, p. 3). Hence, Li can take credit for health without taking responsibility for illness.

Li implicitly exonerates his movement and himself of blame as he anticipates the magical-thinking tendency that has probably accounted for much of the family conflict and medical neglect to which Falun Gong’s critics point:

There was a person who was walking on the street with my book in his hand, yelling, “I have Teacher Li’s protection, so I’m not afraid of being hit by a car.” That was undermining Dafa. This type of person will not be protected. Actually, a true practitioner will not do such a thing. (Li, 2001, p. 137)

The physical exercises of Falun Gong are only the first stage of his system, which assumes that “matter and mind are one thing” (Li, 2001, p. 28). Li emphasizes the psychological and moral dimension of cultivation practice:

To tell you the truth, the entire cultivation process for a practitioner is one of constantly giving up human attachments. (Li, 2001, p. 2)

To truly practice cultivation, you must cultivate your mind. This is called xinxing cultivation... What is xinxing? It includes virtue (a type of matter), tolerance, enlightenment quality, sacrifice, giving up ordinary people’s different desires and attachments, being able to suffer hardships, and so on. It encompasses various things. Every aspect of xinxing must be improved for you to make real progress. (Li, 2001, p. 28)

Can you be considered a Falun Dafa disciple if you just practice these few sets of exercises everyday? Not necessarily. This is because true cultivation practice must follow the requirements of the xinxing standard that we have established, and you have to truly improve your xinxing—then, it is true cultivation practice. If you only practice the exercises without improving xinxing and without the powerful energy that strengthens everything, it cannot be called cultivation practice; neither can we treat you as Falun Dafa disciples. (p. 93)

Among the Falun Gong practitioners I have met, xinxing and the cultivation of Zhen, Shan, Ren (truth, benevolence, forbearance) seem to be their primary focus, which may account for their likeability. Some practitioners, however, must be attracted to Li’s promise of occult powers. But if they are to follow Li’s teachings, they must somehow not “pursue” these powers. Otherwise, they would exhibit “attachment” to them. Thus, they can believe in the powers but not be troubled if they do not manifest them. Moreover, for those who think they have powers, Li provides a nonfalsifiable system to protect them against skeptics. Here is an example from a discussion of clairvoyance:

...when a person is asked about someone’s relative in Beijing, “What’s the relative doing at home?” ... What is the relative doing? He says that the relative is writing something. In order to verify it, they will call up the relative and ask, “What are you doing right now?” “I’m having a meal.” Won’t that disagree with what he saw? In the past, this was the reason for not recognizing this supernormal ability. The environment that he saw, however, was not wrong at all. Because our space and time, which we call “space-time,” has a time difference from the space-time of the dimension where the supernormal ability exists, the concepts of time are different on the two sides. She was writing something before, and now she is having a meal. . . if those who study the human body draw deductive hypotheses and conduct research based upon conventional theories and modern science, even after another ten thousand years their efforts will still be fruitless, for these are something beyond ordinary people in the first place. (Li, 2001, pp. 66–67)

Li provides some solace to those sincere practitioners who might be troubled by their desire for and/or (supposed) manifestation of occult powers. They can use a variation of the tried-and-true “the devil made me do it” alibi:

You did not ask for it, but you sought supernormal abilities. Will a great enlightened person from a righteous cultivation practice give them to you? Pursuit is an attachment of everyday people, and this attachment must be given up. So who gives them to you? Only demons from other dimensions and different animals can give them to you. Isn’t it the same as your asking for spirit or animal possession? They will come, then. (Li, 2001, p. 119)

Li, however, is there to protect the sincere practitioner against demonic influences:

What is demonic interference in cultivation? It is the interference that we often run into in qigong practice... One simply cannot succeed in genuine cultivation without the protection of my fashen. (Li, 2001, p. 227)

Thus, Li holds out a variety of goals for people attracted to his system: health, moral development, occult powers. Attaining these goals, however, requires the abandonment of their pursuit. The practitioner must not “want” what Li says is his destination, ever “higher levels.” This paradoxical command places practitioners in a difficult situation. How can they cope?

One effective way of dealing with this paradoxical command is to focus on the here and now, on manifesting Zhen, Shan, Ren at the human level, and especially in human relationships. This, I suspect, is the foundational strength of how Falun Gong practitioners become better people. Their cultivation of virtue improves their lives and thereby strengthens their commitment to Falun Gong. To them Li Hongzhi is indeed a “teacher” who helps them lead better lives. Their positive experiences, however, may incline them to accept uncritically, or at least refrain from condemning, Li’s rather bizarre metaphysical system. Their experiences may also incline them to obey Li uncritically. So long as Li’s demands on them are not oppressive, their dependency on Li may not cause them distress. If, however, Li’s agenda changed and his demands became onerous, then their dependency on him could become a personal, as well as a social, problem.
Li as Schemer

Li clearly takes credit for his practitioners’ positive experiences: “As a practitioner, your path of life will be changed from now on. My fashen will rearrange it for you.” (Li, 2001, p. 132).

But what do his practitioners’ improvements do for Li?

The cynic will answer that his practitioners make Li rich, famous, and powerful. Lu (2005) traces Li’s development from a popular, qigong teacher emphasizing health and healing to a religious leader offering salvation:

Since the late 1980s, a qigong market has emerged in China. Various rival qigong firms provided treatments to attract and retain practitioners, and qigong became a good business from which a large amount of revenue was generated. When Li Hongzhi began to be involved in the qigong business, he followed several qigong masters. Prior involvements in qigong organizations not only showed him that qigong was a profitable business but also gave him the skills necessary to establish and run a new qigong organization. Then he broke away from these previous qigong organizations and established a new organization, namely, FLG. Like other qigong masters, he offered immediate treatments at the beginning of his qigong career.

Facing the keen competition of the qigong market, however, Li Hongzhi tried to distinguish FLG from other qigong movements through manufacturing and offering a set of untestable explanations about salvation. These were a synthesis of prevailing theories available in the surrounding qigong milieu, along with elements drawn from science, traditional sects, and Western religions. Under the pressure of qigong market competition, Li also adopted other mechanisms that can increase FLG’s practitioners’ commitment and prevent religious schisms. Because of Li Hongzhi’s successful management, FLG soon became the most successful popular organization in China, reportedly recruiting tens of millions of practitioners in some 30 countries within seven years. (pp. 182–183)

Lu’s entrepreneurial analysis fits with the portrait of Li drawn by his Chinese critics, who portray him as a fraud and schemer, crassly exploiting his followers.

Other critics, such as Luo (2003), emphasize some of Li’s controversial teachings, including, among others, the following: the existence of mixed races is a serious problem, modern science is destroying mankind, and homosexuality is not the standard of being human. These and other controversial teachings do not by themselves make Li a schemer, for many religious groups, mainstream and alternative, have promulgated such teachings. However, such teachings can raise questions in the minds of modern people.
Self-Selection Factors Among Practitioners

Although I’ve not been able to find any relevant empirical research, Li’s teachings suggest to me that he would attract people with different motives. These differences, given the large population of Falun Gong practitioners, would result in a movement in which different subgroups will serve different purposes, without necessarily being actively and deliberately directed by Li. The consequences of the different behaviors associated with these subgroups could give the impression that Li is a schemer controlling events, even if in fact he was not directing events.

Those attracted to the healing message—the qigong aspect of Li’s teaching—provide a huge pool of “applicants,” so to speak. I expect that most of these people fall by the wayside, perhaps “shopping” for other qigong systems, in a way similar to “new age hoppers” in the West (Dubrow-Eichel, Dubrow-Eichel, & Eisenberg, 1984). But some, for whatever reason, will stick with Li’s teachings long enough to be considered “aspirants.” As they practice the Falun Gong exercises and study Zhuan Falun and other writings, additional subgroups will form among those who don’t self-select out of the system. Some may focus on the health promises, with an unknown percentage of these people neglecting their health to the consternation of relatives. Others, as noted above, may focus on xinxing and the development of virtue and harmonious relationships. These people are probably the most effective representatives of Falun Gong to the outside world, as well as the subgroup that truly benefits from the teachings. A third group may focus on the paradoxical promise of occult powers to those who don’t pursue occult powers. Some, maybe most, within this subgroup violate Li’s teachings because they can’t help but pursue the lure of occult power. This subgroup, recalling what Li says above about demons giving supernormal abilities, may be quite large, given that Li probably has a keen sense of what percentage of people within the qigong market is pursuing power and what percentage is cultivating virtue:

Though you find that some people practice qigong, their energy is actually obtained by the possessing spirits or animals. How does one get spirit or animal possession? How many qigong practitioners throughout the country have possessing spirits or animals behind their bodies? If I reveal the number, many people will be too scared to practice qigong. The number is frighteningly large! (Li, 2001, p. 118)

Although Li is here focusing on followers of other qigong teachers, as well as some “sham qigong masters [who] carry possessing spirits or animals on their bodies” (p. 118), his critique would also presumably apply to those followers who might claim to be practitioners while not living up to Li’s standards:

If you only practice the exercises without improving xinxing and without the powerful energy that strengthens everything, it cannot be called cultivation practice; neither can we treat you as Falun Dafa disciples. If you go on like that without following the requirements of our Falun Dafa and behave yourself as usual among everyday people without upgrading your xinxing, you may still run into some other troubles though you practice the exercises. You may even claim that it is the practice of Falun Dafa that makes you go astray. (Li, 2001, p. 93)

If, as Falun Gong practitioners claim, their movement is open and noncontrolling, there could be large numbers of such pseudo-practitioners in their midst. Moreover, perhaps sensing their inadequacy, these pseudo-practitioners might be among the most vociferous defenders (and sometimes disillusioned critics) of Falun Gong. I don’t have any evidence to support this notion, but I would expect the dynamics of psychological inferiority to lead to a compensatory fanaticism among some followers.

Of course, Li can disown these individuals as false practitioners, should their fanatical behavior prove embarrassing or otherwise inimical to his goals. This hypothetical subgroup might account for some of the allegations against Falun Gong that come out of China, although Falun Gong practitioners in the West would probably say that these allegations are trumped up. It is difficult to say because it is so hard to determine what is really going on in China.
Li as “Dreamer”

If my notion of self-selecting subgroups has validity, it raises the possibility that Li may be neither the god-like teacher that his followers see nor the scheming exploiter that his critics see. Maybe he is a former qigong practitioner who had “talents” that enabled him to create a highly differentiated subjective vision with “sales potential” in the qigong market. Maybe he is a “dreamer” who stumbled into a profitable niche, rather than a schemer who cleverly carved out the niche.

If he were a clever schemer, I would expect his writings to be more disciplined and coherent. Zhuan Falun seems to be a rambling, disorganized collection of assertions about personal subjective experiences and ideas. Li seems to have realized this because he appended a self-aggrandizing apology at the end of the book:

On the surface, Zhuan Falun is not elegant in terms of language...This is because modern, standardized terminology cannot express the guidance of Dafa at different high levels and the manifestation of the Fa at each level. (Li, 2001, p. 386)

There are also sections in the book that don’t seem to advance an “entrepreneurial” agenda. I found the following paragraph noteworthy, for Li expresses in it a touch of humility that is rare in his book, to say the least:

On one occasion I had my mind connected with four or five great enlightened people and great Taos from extremely high levels. Speaking of high levels, their levels were so high that everyday people would find it simply inconceivable. They wanted to know what was on my mind. I have practiced cultivation for so many years. It is absolutely impossible for other people to read my mind, and other people’s supernormal abilities cannot reach me at all. Nobody is able to understand me or know what is on my mind. They wished to know what I was thinking. With my consent, therefore, they linked my mind with theirs for a period of time. After the connection, it was a little unbearable for me because no matter how high or how low my level is, I am among everyday people and still doing something purposeful—that is, saving people—and my heart is devoted to saving people. But how peaceful were their minds? Their minds were tranquil to the point of being scary. It is possible for one person to reach this tranquility. But with four or five people sitting over there with tranquility like that, it resembles a pond of still water with nothing in it. I tried in vain to experience them. For those several days, I really felt mentally very uncomfortable and experienced a unique feeling. Everyday people could in no way image or feel it; it was completely free of attachment and empty. (Li, 2001, p. 103)

Passages such as this one make me wonder if Li has meditative reveries that he believes are deep and genuine insights into the nature of the universe. These reveries are inserted into a disjointed religious philosophy that rests on an assumption common to many religious systems: Be good and interpret suffering as a test; then you will become happy and spiritually powerful. As Lu (2005) suggests, in an atheistic society such a message, given the huge qigong market, has enormous sales potential.
Conclusion

Falun Gong appears to me to be a diverse movement in which people self-select into the many levels of commitment available to them, much like Transcendental Meditation. Some may do the exercises and have a relatively shallow relationship to the broader movement. Some may, in addition, study Li’s teachings and focus on self-development, on xinxing. Some may be intrigued by Li’s occult teachings. Some may become active in combating the persecution in China. And some may take on administrative tasks, which may bring them into Li’s inner circle.

Sociological studies portray Falun Gong as a movement with relatively open boundaries and little pressure to stay (Burgdoff, 2003; Palmer, 2003). Moreover, I am aware of only a handful of help requests to cult watch organizations, all from families of members and all related to medical neglect concerns (most inquiries are from the media). Hence, I don’t see convincing evidence that Falun Gong currently fits the stereotype of a cultic group that uses high-pressure, socio-psychological influence techniques to recruit and retain members. Of course, there may be a cultic core close to the Master, but so far as I have been able to find out, nobody has studied Li’s inner circles.

Falun Gong has marshaled considerable support for its human rights campaign against the PRC, including a resolution of the U.S. Congress (Expressing..., October 4, 2004), and media coverage of its allegations against the PRC of human rights abuses ranging from suppression of dissident speech to the harvesting and sale of the organs of Falun Gong prisoners. ICSA’s e-Library has 311 articles related to Falun Gong spanning the period July 2000 to July 2007, most of which deal with human rights allegations against the PRC and Falun Gong’s attempts—e.g., via lawsuits against Chinese diplomats, to bring attention to these allegations (ICSA has well over 1,000 articles total on Falun Gong, although most of these have not yet been processed for the e-Library).

Falun Gong’s sometimes aggressive campaign against the PRC’s human rights abuses has led some of its members to try to suppress criticism of Falun Gong because they believe the PRC will use this criticism to buttress its propaganda designed to justify persecution of Falun Gong.  Such tactics have disturbed people who place free speech, including the freedom to criticize Falun Gong, among the most important human rights. Some of my colleagues, for example, do not share my sympathy for Falun Gong because of certain members’ attempts to suppress points of view that are sympathetic to the Chinese government or critical of Falun Gong. They see Falun Gong as a totalitarian movement that is merely less powerful than the totalitarian government that persecutes it.

Clearly, many practitioners say that they have benefited from Falun Gong. Their testimonies on the Web are legion. Skeptics, of course, may question whether or not those benefits are due to Li’s metaphysical system or to some component of the system, e.g., xinxing, that it has in common with other religious systems, or to some placebo factor.

Given the number of adherents to Falun Gong and Li’s two-sided statements about faith-healing, the laws of probability demand that some followers are likely to neglect their health, and some of these followers’ families will blame and actively campaign against Falun Gong. Moreover, there is evidence of adverse reactions to qigong practices in general, something that is not surprising, given that adverse reactions have been documented with regard to meditation (Otis, 1985). Although these are uncommon reactions, casualties could have numbered in the thousands, given the millions of Falun Gong practitioners in China before the 1999 ban (although Falun Gong members I have spoken with claim that there are no such casualties related to its qigong practices, a claim about which I am very skeptical). Chen says,

Shortly after the meteoric rise of qigong practice, individuals complaining of a range of reactions, from mild discomfort and pain from qi or unusual sensations in their bodies to more dire sensations of hearing voices or being controlled by spirits and voices, began to trickle into traditional medical clinics and biomedical hospitals. My analysis of the relatively unknown culture-bound syndrome of qigong deviation is a key contribution. I examine how certain forms of experience related to qigong became medicalized in the psychiatric setting, in contrast to traditional medicine and cultivation practices. (Chen, 2003, p. 2)

Although there is some truth to Chinese claims that Falun Gong harms people, I doubt that the relative magnitude of harm is anywhere near as great as the Chinese government claims. Other nations and Chinese communities (Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan) do not perceive Falun Gong as a threat and do not report anywhere near the level of harm reported by the PRC. This fact makes the PRC’s claims highly suspect.

Alan Stone, the Touroff-Glueck Professor of Law and Psychiatry at Harvard Law School, says:

All this being said, it seems clear that Chinese psychiatrists did, in fact, misdiagnose and mistreat practitioners of Falun Gong in the years after the government outlawed the spiritual movement in 1999. Fortunately, over the past two years, reports of psychiatric abuse of the Falun Gong have dramatically diminished. The Chinese Society of Psychiatrists has acknowledged mistakes in which unusual spiritual beliefs were characterized as delusions and the diagnosis of Qi Gong psychosis was accepted and applied uncritically. The CSP is now eager to work with the WPA and other groups to educate Chinese psychiatrists. They are prepared to reconsider the validity of the Qi Gong psychosis diagnosis and were willing to discuss cases in which Falun Gong practitioners were mistreated. However, the CSP consists of only 800 members, a small subset of the 14,000 total physicians who work in psychiatric facilities. (Stone, 2005, paragraph 9)

Whether or not these positive developments will have much impact is uncertain, for, as Stone’s article also points out, economic pressures lead to corruption and sloppy practices, even in the health industry. Moreover, Chinese professionals are subject to the same social influences as other Chinese. Hence, all abuses are not “ordered” from on high:

If Falun Gong practitioners have been misdiagnosed and mistreated in psychiatric hospitals across China (and there is no doubt in my mind that they have been), it is not because orders came down from the Ministry of Health or Security in Beijing. Nor is there any evidence that an influential group of forensic psychiatrists carried out this psychiatric persecution of the Falun Gong in the secure Ankang hospitals. However, one cannot escape the conclusion that many of the 14,000 physicians who work in psychiatric hospitals were influenced by the fact that their government had declared the Falun Gong an “evil cult,” declared its practices a crime, and launched a propaganda campaign against its followers. (Stone, 2005, paragraph 11)

Hence, it appears that the persecution of Falun Gong is a consequence of an authoritarian social system that stifles individual autonomy, restricts dissent, and seeks conformity from its citizens. When CCP leaders decided that religion, and Falun Gong in particular, was a threat to social order, the social system demanded compliance throughout the country. Central and local authorities then “put the squeeze” on targeted religious groups.

But since the system is not all-powerful, there are variations in the manner and degree to which the central authority’s directives are enforced. These local aberrations provide hope to religious freedom advocates.

Recall, however, one of the lines in the quotes above from Ping (2003): “By doing so [cracking down on Falun Gong] he [Jiang Zemin] turned against himself a power that originally posed no threat to him. And by taking action on the basis of protecting the CCP’s rule, Jiang Zemin committed an error that will be difficult for the government to resolve” (p. 20). If Ping is correct, the PRC may be pushing Falun Gong to become more and more like a stereotypical cult, which will make it more difficult for the PRC to stop treating it as a cult and to become more tolerant of religion in general.

My conversations with Chinese scientists and my review of what literature exists suggests that the suppression of Falun Gong in China has probably succeeded in causing most adherents to give up the practice. However, the fact that some members refuse to renounce the teachings, even under extreme duress, shows that a highly committed core of practitioners probably continues underground, as occurred with many religious groups when the Communists first took over China. Recall the quote from Ownby (2003): “...there were many more local rebellions against the Communists, organized around local religious groups, than we have previously been aware of.” Even disregarding a possible change in Li’s behavior, this underground core, in order to survive the persecution, must become closed, deceptive, and secretive. If this supposition were correct, the PRC could, ironically, point to such changes in Falun Gong to justify further suppression and persecution.

Falun Gong members in the West, though not under the same pressure to hide as their compatriots in China, seem to be engaged in a campaign that seeks—though they may deny it—to “dethrone” the CCP, China’s current ruler. But the CCP is much more powerful than the Falun Gong movement, and Western governments, despite their commitments to human rights, probably prefer that China evolve into a more democratic state than that it be subjected to a revolution. Hence, unless the CCP finds a face-saving way to end the persecution (and so far I see no signs of that, though I hope it happens), Western Falun Gong members may experience increasing frustration as the CCP refuses to change and the human rights campaign becomes “old news” to the West.

In the face of such frustration, the members’ relationship to Li could lead the Western practitioners also to become more and more cult-like. Let me explain. The acceptance of Li’s extraordinary claims about himself reorders members’ thinking around an assumption—i.e., Li is the fount of truth, which can have profound consequences. So long as Li only asks them to cultivate virtue—i.e., xinxing, and support the campaign against the PRC’s persecution of Falun Gong members in China, members may experience actual benefits and the world may benefit through the members’ contributions to the exposure of human rights violations.

If, however, the battle against the PRC heats up, Li may conclude that his only choice is to ask for much more from members—e.g., money, even more time than they currently devote to the movement, pressuring practitioners to demonstrate their commitment to the movement in ways that place them at risk in China, participating in campaigns to destroy opponents in the West, becoming more aggressive in China, and so on. In other words, Li’s movement could begin to function like a stereotypical cult.

If this process of deviance amplification is not stopped, the consequences could be very harmful to China and the world, as well as to the Falun Gong movement. It seems to me that somehow the PRC must find a face-saving way to become more tolerant of religion, including Falun Gong. If it doesn’t, then popular resistance to an escalating suppression of religion could ironically hasten the instability that the PRC initially feared and used as the justification of persecution. Whether or not there is a God, religion is part of human nature. In the long run, trying to suppress religion will be about as successful as trying to suppress curiosity.

Officially, China claims to support religious freedom in its constitution. As many official investigations have shown, however, the PRC’s notion of religious freedom refers only to religious organizations that accept state control. The state seems to say to religious adherents, “You’re free if you do what we say.”

In my opinion, genuine religious freedom in China will elude its advocates, unless the central authorities of the CCP can be persuaded that religion, which is so widespread and so unthreatening to Taiwan and other societies, does not threaten China. I think that such a change of view is unlikely to occur so long as atheism remains dogma, so long as it remains the “state religion” of China. Most modern states are secular, but they are skeptical or agnostic, not dogmatically atheistic (some even have established churches that taxpayers support). That China continues to be dogmatically atheistic reflects, perhaps, the enduring strength of the Chinese version of Communist ideology in the country, not a wise and pragmatic policy. For China to become genuinely tolerant of religion, the CCP must change its ideology. This is difficult, to say the least.

As China becomes more integrated into the global economy, maybe the power of that ideology will diminish, and China, to the relief of much of the world, will evolve into a more democratic and tolerant state. The 2008 Olympics in Beijing, on which the PRC is expending enormous resources so as to impress the world, will probably rekindle Western hopes that this will happen, and that China will become more like Western democracies—unless Falun Gong and other dissidents become conspicuous enough in their protests to make their suppression a world event. Should this happen, I believe that the history of the past few decades (and, one might argue, the history of China) suggests that the pundits of 2008 should avoid predicting the imminent collapse of Chinese Communism, as some did after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Compared to the Great Wall of China, the Berlin Wall was a picket fence.
References

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Chang, Maria Hsia. (2004). Falun Gong: The end of days. New Haven: Yale University Press.

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Dubrow-Eichel, Steve K., Dubrow-Eichel, Linda, & Eisenberg, Roberta. (1984). Mental health interventions in cult-related cases: Preliminary investigation of outcomes. Cultic Studies Journal, 1(2), 156–166.

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Expressing the sense of Congress regarding oppression by the Government of the People’s Republic of China of Falun Gong in the United States and in China. Bill Number: H.CON.RES. 304. Sponsor: Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL). (October 4, 2004). http://www.congress.org/congressorg/bill.xc?billnum=H.CON.RES.304&congress=108

Farby, Julie. (2006, April 27). Chinese President Hu urged Bush to label Falun Gong an “evil cult.” All Headline News. http://www.allheadlinenews.com/articles/7003350663

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International Cultic Studies Association. (2004, 23 April). Statement on China and Falun Gong. http://www.cultinfobooks.com/infoserv_aff/aff_board_policies_statements/aff_statement_china_falungong.htm

Kurtenbach, Elaine. (1999, 25 October). Crusader disputes Falun Gong claims. Associated Press. (Accessed through the Internet)

Langone, Michael D. (2003). Reflections on Falun Gong and the Chinese government. Cultic Studies Review, 2(2), http://www.culticstudiesreview.org/csr_member/mem_articles/langone_michael-Falun Gong_csr0202q.htm

Li, Hongzhi. (2001). Zhuan Falun: The complete teachings of Falun Gong. Gloucester, MA: Fair Winds Press.

Lu, Yufeng. (2005). Entrepreneurial logics and the evolution of Falun Gong. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 44(2), 173–185.

Luo, Samuel. (2003). What Falun Gong really teaches. Cultic Studies Review, 2(2), http://www.culticstudiesreview.org/csr_member/mem_articles/luo_samuel_csr0202l.htm

Marquand, Robert. (2003, December 24). Beijing is wary as Christianity counts up to 90 million adherents. Christian Science Monitor (http://www.csmonitor.com/2003/1224/p)1s03-wosc.html)

Olesen, Alexa. (2005, December 2). U.N.: Torture still widespread in China. The Guardian (UK).

Otis, L. (1985). Adverse effects of Transcendental Meditation. Update: A Quarterly Journal of New Religious Movements, 9, 37–50.

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Palmer, Susan. (2003.) From healing to protest: Conversion patterns among the practitioners of Falun Gong. Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions, 6(2), 348–364.

Ping, Hu. (2003). The Falungong phenomenon. China Rights Forum, No. 4, 11–27.

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Robbins, Thomas. (2003). Cults, state control, and Falun Gong: A comment on Herbert Rosedale’s “Perspectives on cults as affected by the September 11th tragedy.” Cultic Studies Review, 2(2), http://www.culticstudiesreview.org/csr_member/mem_articles/robbins_thomas_csr0202n.htm

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Up to 1200 temples destroyed or closed in Chinese crackdown. (2000, 13 December). http://asia.dailynews.yahoo.com/headlines/asia/afp/article.html?s=asia/headlines/001213/asia/afp/Up_to_1_200_temples_destroyed_or_closed_in_Chinese_crackdown.html (also available in AFF electronic file).

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About the Author

Michael D. Langone, Ph.D., a counseling psychologist, is ICSA’s Executive Director.  He was the founder editor of Cultic Studies Journal (CSJ), the editor of CSJ’s successor, Cultic Studies Review, and editor of Recovery from Cults.  He is co-author of Cults: What Parents Should Know and Satanism and Occult-Related Violence: What You Should Know.  Dr. Langone has spoken and written widely about cults.  In 1995, he received the Leo J. Ryan Award from the "original" Cult Awareness network and was honored as the Albert V. Danielsen visiting Scholar at Boston University.  (aff@affcultinfoserve.com)

http://www.icsahome.com/articles/the-prc-and-falun-gong-langone

[Spendulus]

The PRC and Falun Gong

Cultic Studies Review, 6(3), 2007, pp. 235-285
The PRC and Falun Gong

Michael D. Langone, Ph.D.

International Cultic Studies Association

Abstract

During the past eight years, well over a thousand news stories concerning Falun Gong have appeared. Many of these deal with the Chinese government’s persecution of the group. The Chinese government accuses Falun Gong of being an “evil cult” that threatens the welfare of the Chinese people. Falun Gong presents itself as a peaceful cultivation movement that is persecuted because of its popularity within China. .....

Is this a contest for the longest post?

Lol...

[Vika NSFW]

Is this a contest for the longest post?

Lol...

I feel wery happy about discovering this "anti promiscuity sex" hate organization.
All this text is very useful to be in view for those, who is under mind control, brainwashed "victims of Falun Gong".
They goes not to read links, and as we seen here, they scroll posts, and posts copy paste shit 100% off topic and testing to flood the topic.

Putting here long posts is not against the rules.

[Vika NSFW]

What's Wrong With Being Really Sexually Promiscuous?
Slut-shaming still happens, and not just by misogynists like Rush Limbaugh.
By Zhana Vrangalova / AlterNet
July 2, 2014

This summer, the New York media exploded with a rare type of news: An apartment building in Brooklyn has been converted into a residence for polyamorous people. As you may expect, not all of the coverage of the Hacienda Villa intentional community—or the public’s reaction following it—was positive or judgment-free. But the fact this made it into the mainstream media and that a lot of the coverage and response was in fact positive or judgment-free, speaks to the increased openness to alternative sexual lifestyles – at least in the more progressive corners of modern-day America.

Yet, in the minds and hearts of people, not all (consensual) alternative sexual lifestyles are created equal. In a time when nonheterosexuality is close to losing the status of ‘alternative,’ transgender people have scored Medicare coverage for gender-confirming surgeries, Fifty Shades of Grey has made it clear that kinky desires are as mainstream as it gets, and open relationships are more visible than ever, there is one sexual lifestyle that remains imbued with stigma: unbridled promiscuity. Accepting promiscuity—having lots of (mostly) casual sex with lots of different people—as a valid lifestyle choice is perhaps the final frontier in creating a sex-positive, open-minded, sexually tolerant society.

There is no doubt that, among the general population, promiscuity is almost universally considered a bad thing. It seems like every day there is a new example of slut-shaming, often with tragic outcomes; the sex addiction industry routinely labels all promiscuous people as having a problem; and studies show that over 70% of college students would lose respect for someone who “hooks up or has sex with lots of people.”

But anti-promiscuity stigma also often comes from those who themselves embrace alternative sexual lifestyles, often as a way to justify their own—less promiscuous—alternative lifestyle and, consciously or unconsciously, make it more palatable to the general public. Because anything, anything, is better than promiscuity.

Consider the following exchange between the host of the Huff Post Live segment about the Brooklyn polyamorous apartment complex, and Lily, a current resident of the Hacienda Villa who identifies as polyamorous and is appearing on the show with her identity disguised.

HuffPost Live Host: Is it because of judgments like that in the past that you are coming out anonymously right now?

Lily: Oh absolutely. It bums me out that I have to be anonymous, ‘cause I’d be happy to share it with everyone. I think it’s really important for people to understand what polyamory is. And unfortunately I’m working in an industry where there’s a lot of judgment, still! And I do hope one day to be able to be fully clear about who I am and what I stand for. But because people just don’t understand it, and they automatically think that you’re just like having a lot of sex with a lot of people, randomly, I just can’t have to explain that to people I don’t necessarily know.

Most of you read this statement and don’t notice anything stigmatizing embedded in Lily’s defense of polyamory. All she’s doing is explaining what polyamory is (not) and that it shouldn’t be judged against. Right?

Wrong.

True, Lily is explaining – quite accurately so – that polyamory is not about “having a lot of sex with a lot of people, randomly”. (Polyamory is about having multiple loving as well as sexual relationships with more than one person, with the knowledge and consent of everyone involved.) But Lily isn’t providing this as an answer to a neutral question about what polyamory is. She’s offering it in the value-laden context of why people judge, yet shouldn’t be judging, polyamory as a lifestyle choice. Saying ‘people wouldn’t judge polyamory if they knew it wasn’t promiscuity’ directly implies that ‘if it were promiscuity, people would be right to judge it’. That, unlike polyamory, promiscuity is a lifestyle worthy of condemnation and unworthy of acceptance.

This implication is subtle, and so seamlessly incorporated in Lily’s larger point about people’s tendency to judge what they don’t understand, that it goes over most of our heads. It certainly went over the heads of Lily and her friends, who, when brought to their attention, adamantly rejected the notion that she had committed, or would ever commit, an act of stigma against the promiscuous. But that inconspicuousness is precisely what makes this incarnation of anti-promiscuity stigma more dangerous, more insidious, and more difficult to fight against.

When slut shaming is blatant and perpetrated by people who proudly flaunt their sexism and sex-negativity, it is easy to expose it and call the haters out on it. But when committed by people who see themselves as sex-positive and respectful of all sexual choices between consenting adults, anti-promiscuity stigma often goes unnoticed. It sneaks just below our threshold of consciousness, so that even well-meaning friends are entirely unaware they have just slut-shamed their more sexually adventurous peers. And so it continues to quietly perpetuate and reinforce the view that having sex with many different people for the sake of sex is somehow less valuable or less respectable than having sex with a few people for the sake of love. That view remains unquestioned by anyone because how do you eradicate something that is virtually invisible, yet so deeply engrained?

Slut-shaming by the ‘sex-positive’ also hurts their targets more. Rejection has deleterious consequences on health regardless of where it comes from, but rejection from the “ingroup,” the social group you consider your own, is even more deleterious than rejection from an “outgroup,” a groups you don’t identify with or maybe even see as the enemy. For promiscuous men and women, it is easy/easier to discredit insults by raging Rush Limbaughs or the misogynist manosphere. But polyamorous people are their allies, their friends, their community; their comrades fighting on the same side in the war against sexual persecution. When they feel rejected—however subtly—by their own, the scars are likely to run much deeper.    

My goal here is not to single out Lily as the poster child for anti-promiscuity bigotry. All slut shaming considered, this is not a particularly egregious example of it. Nor is this an isolated incident among the ‘sex-positive’ community. (That same day Lily was on the HuffPost Live defending polyamory by emphatically distancing it from promiscuity, I was a guest on the Manwhore podcast, where my very vocally self-identified sex-positive host, Billy Procida, proudly shared how he defended the Hacienda Villa to his prejudiced father by explaining that polyamory “is not just about fucking a bunch of people, it’s a bit higher level than that” (fast forward to 34.40). Slut-shaming of the “really slutty” people is everywhere.

My goal, instead, is to raise awareness about the pervasiveness of anti-promiscuity stigma even among the most sexually liberated among us. And hopefully contribute to the long and difficult process to eradicate it, one open-minded mind at a time. So when you’re out there defending sexual freedom, don’t extend the line of acceptability just far enough to include yourself, and leave out in the cold the ones sluttier than you. Because, as Carol Queen aptly puts it, “I don’t think a community, or a space, where people are subjected to slut-shaming (or homophobia, biphobia, heterophobia, kinkphobia, transphobia, etc., etc.) can be called ‘sex-positive’ at all.”

Need to learn more about what sex-positivity is and is not? Carol Queen breaks it down.

Zhana Vrangalova, PhD, is a NYC-based sex researcher and NDRI post-doctoral fellow who studies casual sex, nonmonogamy, and sexual orientation, and an Adjunct Professor of Psychology at New York University where she teaches Human Sexuality. She also blogs about the science of hookups for Psychology Today, tweets daily about new sex research, and runs The Casual Sex Project, a place for people to share their true hookup stories. Stay in touch by signing up for Dr Zhana’s monthly newsletter or following her Facebook page.

http://www3.alternet.org/sex-amp-relationships/whats-wrong-being-really-sexually-promiscuous

[Vika NSFW]

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Investigation Report on Chinese Communist Regime’s “2010-2012 Campaign of Transformation through Education and A Collective Battle to Strengthen the Result”

Published in Chinese on March 30, 2012; Published in English on Sept. 10, 2012
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http://www.upholdjustice.org/node/230

1. Foreword
The Chinese communist regime held a video tele-conference on March 26, 2010 titled: “The Strategic Plan to Mobilize the Nation-wide Campaign of Transformation through Education and A Collective Battle to Strengthen the Result.” [1] Soon after the conference, the main responsible persons from the Chinese Communist Party Committee and Political and Legislative Affairs Committee from different areas were instructed to implement the details of the campaign and mobilize local personnel to participate in the campaign from central to regional organizations at all levels. [2,3]
The overall requirement for this “Collective Battle” is to continue to brainwash Falun Gong practitioners in an attempt to force them to “transform”. [4] During each calendar year, three stages were designated, each having specific goals of transformation, and a long-term monitoring mechanism [4, 5] was established to ensure that the goals would be achieved.
The conspirators are from the central 610 Office as well as the 610 Offices at provincial, municipal and county levels. [6] Administrative organizations at all levels are involved in this brainwashing campaign, from the central government, to provincial and municipal organs, all the way to neighborhood administrative offices in cities and individual villages in the countryside, including colleges and universities, [7] as well as high schools, middle schools, and elementary schools. [5] Specific tasks were assigned to individuals who would then be held responsible. To ensure that the participants at all levels will get actively involved, monetary awards and punishments will be used, and the result of transformation at each place will be one of the measures used to evaluate its political accomplishment. Please refer to the following text for more details.
2. The Background of the Proposed “Collective Battle”
This proposal of the three-year “collective battle” stemmed from a complete failure of the 10-year forced brainwashing of Falun Gong practitioners in an attempt to transform them. In addition, the influence of the “Nine Commentaries on the Chinese Communist Party” and the ever-increasing wave of quitting the CCP, Youth League and Young Pioneers shocked the Chinese communist regime. In order to sustain the persecution, and to suppress the promulgation of the “Nine Commentaries”, the authorities proposed this three-year “collective battle” to encourage those persecutors whose enthusiasm had waned after repeatedly failing to transform practitioners.
2.1 Failures in Transforming Falun Gong practitioners
In the Work Plan for a Collective Battle at Liaodian Town, Huaxia County of Henan Province, it was clearly admitted that, “Transforming Falun Gong practitioners has become more and more difficult. It has become an acute problem that many who had been transformed before resumed practicing Falun Gong.” [4]
The Deputy Party Secretary of the Working Committee at Economic Development Zone of Liaocheng, Shandong, Sun Yucheng said in a “maintaining stability” conference on August 17, 2010, that, “after over ten years of grueling struggle and hard work, the situation is still very serious.” [8]
Between July 8 and 9, 2010, the Evil Cult Association held a national work meeting in Manchuria of Inner Mongolia. [9] According to the experience sharing materials read at the meeting, the attempts to brainwash Falun Gong practitioners had basically failed. [10]
In August 2011, the Evil Cult Association website published an experience sharing article from Dalian city’s “Evil Cult Association.” The article revealed that the brainwashing work had, “become more and more difficult and challenging, taking more and more time, at a much higher cost.” It admitted that it was a mistake for the central CCP committee to launch the persecution of Falun Gong, and admitted that persecuting Falun Gong had brought upon the persecutors a very difficult and embarrassing situation, as if riding a tiger with no way out. [11]
2.2 CCP’s Counter Measure to the Nine Commentaries and the “Quitting CCP Movement”
The Evil Cult Association articulated the huge impact of the Nine Commentaries at its national work meeting in 2010, and pointed out that those in charge must “deepen the research, and actively seek ways to fight back.” [10]
The experience sharing article from Dalian city’s “Evil Cult Association” in August 2011 also showed that Chinese people learned about the truth of the persecution of Falun Gong and the Nine Commentaries through independent Chinese-language media and the Internet, which had a “big impact” on the brainwashing result.
The 2011 Annual Meeting of the “Evil Cult Association” presented an article which mentioned that the messages of “Heaven will eliminate the CCP” and “Three withdrawals brings you a secure future” had appeared all over China, awakening the Chinese people and caused the CCP to become frightened. [12]
The evil cult association in Hunan Province published a report in October 2011 titled, “The New Situation and Measures to Take” with regard to brainwashing Falun Gong practitioners. It mentioned that Falun Gong practitioners expose the evil nature of the CCP in public places and persuade people to quit the CCP and its affiliated organizations. [13]
2.3 Attempting to Boost Persecutors’ Morale
The reports about this “collective battle” in many places indicated that one of the important reasons for such a battle was that participants in the persecution of Falun Gong had low morale and there was a need to boost their spirits.
The CCP’s “evil cult association” had to admit in its reports that, “some of our comrades, especially the leaders, did not have a sufficient understanding or preparation for the long-term nature of this battle. They thus lack motivation and creativity. They did not set a high standard for themselves and their work methods were old-fashioned. In front of the difficulties, they seemed to have exhausted their limited methods.” [10]
It also admitted that, “those involved in re-educating Falun Gong practitioners feel that their knowledge is not extensive enough to handle varied situations; in addition, they became exhausted. Especially in some of the new fields that required additional knowledge, they clearly feel that their capability is too limited to meet the requirement.” [10]
Many local governments made it a core issue in their work plan that suppressing Falun Gong was a “long-term, complicated and strenuous” project, and asked the participants to “conquer their negative feelings, such as slackening off or feeling tired of it, with determination.” [14, 15]
The 2011 annual papers of the CCP’s “evil cult association” literally confirmed that those practitioners who were transformed gave up their belief unwillingly as they endured intense pressure. The papers also pointed out that the participants involved in transforming Falun Gong practitioners did not carry out their responsibilities diligently, and they simply fabricated transformation rates to satisfy requests from superiors. The articles revealed that the lower level persecutors held grudges against the transformation quota from above. [12]
3. The Implementation of the “Collective Battle”
 
3.1 Making Transformation Quota
This three-year “collective battle” was launched based on instructions from the central government. Local government organizations set up their own transformation quota based on their respective situations. For example, Beishankou Town of Gongyi City, Henan Province, planned to reach a transformation quota of 60 percent by the end of 2012, and the percentage of transformed practitioners resuming practicing should be lower than 8 percent. More specifically, an annual plan was laid out, which was a 25 percent transformation rate in the first year, another 25 percent in the second year, and 10 percent in the third year. [16]
Xinglong Town, Deyang City of Sichuan required that number of non-transformed practitioners should be 30 percent lower by the end of 2011, and there must be a decrease of another 10 percent in 2012. [17]
Xianyang City of Shaanxi Province requested that the number of non-transformed practitioners must be decreased by 50 percent within three years, and transformed practitioners resuming the practice must be lowered to 15 percent. [17]
Hongxia township in Jiujiang City, Jiangxi Province required that the number of non-transformed practitioners must be decreased by more than 20 percent by the end of 2009. In 2011, which they designated as the second phase, an additional 15 percent must be transformed. The number of transformed practitioners resuming the practice must be limited to less than 10 percent. In 2012 during the third phase, an additional 15 percent must be transformed. Thus in three years, 50 percent must be transformed. [18]
3.2 More Funds Injected into the Campaign
Deyang City Government of Sichuan Province published a report on August 30, 2010, titled “Implementation Plan of the 2010-2012 Campaign of Transformation through Education and A Collective Battle to Strengthen the Result.” The report revealed that the average cost to transform one Falun Gong practitioner was 45,000 yuan (US $7,030). The provincial and municipal level organizations usually needed to spend 40,900 yuan (US $6,390) for each transformation. Deyang City decided to allocate 39,000 yuan (US $6,093) for each intended transformation. [17] In addition, to strengthen the result, another 100,000 yuan (US $15,625) will be included in the budget and will be solely dedicated to be spent on transformation. [17]
The experience sharing article from Shenyang “Evil Cult Association” revealed that to transform a Falun Gong practitioner, local authorities spent more than 8,000 yuan (US $1,250) within 20 days. [19]
To guarantee the expenditure of the brainwashing campaign, local organizations’ financial spending must be subjected to inspection by provincial levels. Sun Yuchen, deputy Party secretary at Liaocheng Economic Development Zone, Shandong Province, spoke at a “maintaining stability conference” on August 17, 2010. He indicated that, “we must invest in this campaign generously, to guarantee there are enough funds for our work. Based on the requirement from provincial and city levels, the county and town levels must allocate funds accordingly, to make sure we will have enough money for the three-year collective battle.” [8]
Commerce Bureau of Nanchang appointed the Director of Finance as the responsible person for the “collective battle.” [6]
Xintian Town, Bobai County, Yulin City of Guangxi Province requested that the local finance department, “increase the spending on transformation through education, to ensure we successfully carry out the task of transformation through education. The Evil Cult Prevention and Handling Office will get its funding from the Township Finance Department.” [20]
3.3 Strategy Implemented at Every Level and Assigning People Specific Responsibilities
In carrying out the “collective battle” strategy, officials at all levels were told to sign documents outlining their job responsibilities in accordance with the overall strategy set by the central government and 610 Offices at the provincial level. Provincial and city officials personally supervised and verified that these orders were carried out by subordinates.
For example, on the document given to officials in Yushan Town, Jianou City, Fujian Province it stated: “According to requests from above, during the implementation of transformation work on Falun Gong practitioners, the town Party committee, comprehensive management office, residential committee and work place must sign on agreements outlining the responsibilities and work plan.” [21] Xintian Town, Bobai County, Guangxi Province announced the names and office addresses of leaders of the “collective battle” strategy. [20]
On March 4, 2010, Youqing Town, Qu County, Sichuan Province published the “Collective battle Strategy 2010-2012 Implementation”. In the document officials clearly state that the objective and mission of the plan was to continue the work of brainwashing and transforming Falun Gong practitioners. The main officials responsible are Town Party secretary, key personnel in village (street) committees and at the work place. [22]
On August 16, 2010, deputy head of Shandong Province 610 Office Shi Zunheng, Secretary of Jinan City Political and Legal Committee, Li Jiazheng, head of Jinan City 610 Office Xie Shengren, deputy head Li Mei and other officials went to Tianqiao District to supervise and check on the progress of the “collective battle”. District Party secretary Zhang Hui, deputy secretary Guo Chengyan, secretary of the political and legal committee Fanrui and others accompanied them on the inspection. [23]
In December 2010, Ma Yu, head of the Beiying Street comprehensive management office in Yangquan City, Shanxi Province, stated in his report that district level Party secretaries personally signed an agreement with Party secretaries at community and village levels specifying the goals and responsibilities of the 2010-2012 overall battle strategy. [24]
In December 2010, Wuxi City 610 Office stated in its 2010 end of year summary report that since February the city 610 Office had deployed everyone in its organization to implement the “collective battle strategy”. The office had “key personnel” in the city at all levels to sign on work responsibility documents. [25]
In certain districts, at least four staff members were assigned to carry out brainwashing assignments on one Falun Gong practitioner. Every participant had to sign “job responsibility documents”.6 Roles were assigned to every town and street Party committee and responsibilities were delegated to specific persons from the top to bottom levels. [8]
In the education department, transformation by brainwashing has been classified as “school management by objectives”. Job responsibility agreements were signed between the education department and the school, and between the school and those who carried out the actual brainwashing tasks. [5]
3.4 Main Venues for Carrying Out the Strategy
The “collective battle strategy” was mainly carried out in enclosed brainwashing classes, labor camps and prisons in various regions. In respect to practitioners who were not abducted for various reasons, members of society at the grassroots level were used to break into practitioners’ homes and harass them.
3.5 Organizations That Were Mainly Involved
Nearly every organization at all levels of society was involved in the implementation of the strategy. These included public security, judicial, comprehensive administration, civil administration, schools, women’s associations, group committees, prisons, labor camps, state security departments as well as various administrative villages, towns and work place organizations. College and university, education departments at the grassroots level, and residential communities were also involved. [28]
Among them, 610 Office organizations at various levels take the lead. [29] In documents from Xintian Town, Bobai County, Guangxi Province outlining the implementation of the “collective battle strategy”, deputy secretary of the town’s Party committee and chairman of the town’s people’s congress were appointed as leaders of the leading group. Head of the town’s police station, deputy head of the town 610 Office were appointed deputy heads and responsible for the research, deployment, supervision, and inspection as well as daily operations. Members of the small group include deputy chairman of the town’s people’s congress, head of the regime’s government office, and members of the town discipline inspection committee, organizing committee members, united front committee, head of the defense ministry, head of the judicial department, head of the agricultural services center, head of the family planning department, head of the forestry department, head of cultural department, head of the transportation department, and head of the health department.
The Chinese Anti-Cult Association (CACA) provided intellectual support. Within four months after the regime deployed the “collective battle strategy”, on July 8, 2010, the CACA held a conference in Manzhouli, Inner Mongolia. It was estimated that about 150 people from 32 provinces, cities and respective work places nationwide attended the conference. In June 2011, the CACA held a brainwashing experience conference in Nanjing, Jiangsu Province. An estimated 120 participants from 23 provinces and cities took part in the conference. Ninety-six experience sharing articles were submitted. [32] In November 2011, the CACA convened an annual meeting in Fuzhou. Around 200 leaders from cult associations and brainwashing experts nationwide attended the meeting. [33]
3.6 Methods of implementation
Intensive Attack and Brutal Transformation
Increase in spy activities. Spies are sent to infiltrate among Falun Gong practitioners and create discord, thereby disintegrating the group of practitioners from within. Secret agents permeate the grassroots level including schools and places of religious worship.
Intensive training for secret agents; More training for participants in the persecution; Enlisting the knowledge accrued by experts in the field of social studies, religious studies, psychology, legal studies and doctors, etc, and implementing it to brainwash practitioners.
Continue with traditional methods of propaganda attacks such as “writing slogans, holding public meetings, using TV broadcast”; increase in propaganda attacks on the Internet. Reinforce brainwashing type education on students.
Increase the training of staff at the grassroots level, organizing training workshops for leaders at the grassroots level. [34]
Recruit people who are then especially assigned to carry out the brainwashing and transformation of Falun Gong practitioners. These people must adhere to “5 criterion” and are “audited”4. In September 2011, Xiamen Anti Cult Association even proposed transformation indexes including five areas – acknowledgement, sentiments, attitude, behavior and acceptance as well as over 60 indicators. [35]
Restricting the personal freedom of Falun Gong practitioners.
Exerting pressure on practitioners through their family, friends and colleagues as well as forming a “surveillance network”. In an article published in September 2011, the Xiamen Anti Cult Association admitted to monitoring Falun Gong practitioners continuously for several years such as, “when they visit relatives, while waiting to catch a plane, in their living quarters”. Children of practitioners are discriminated against. [36]
To the outside world, brainwashing classes are deceptively disguised as pleasant places. However behind the façade and closed doors, practitioners are transformed using intensive pressure tactics.
3.7 Material incentives and political pressure used to motivate participants in the persecution
Authorities at all levels include implementation progress reports in their annual review agenda. Due to the low morale of participants, the regime asked that key leaders be given further assistance in their thoughts, work and daily life.6 Besides investing in more hardware, politically, civil police officers should be given special care26. Participant’s livelihood concerns should be addressed and resolved, work units or those who display exceptional performance should be exemplified. It was mentioned in a document from Rencheng District, Jining, Shandong that, “for sending every person not transformed to the province’s brainwashing class, the district will offer a reward of 1,000 yuan; … work units who failed to reach the year’s assigned quota will be held accountable”. [36] The Dalian Cult Association even proposed to “offer an exorbitant reward for anyone who can carry out intensive brainwashing”.
In the education system, transformation by brainwashing has been “brought into the school’s annual year end objectives assessment and planned as well as reviewed together with education objectives.”
In order to mobilize the public to take part in the persecution of Falun Gong, the authorities “offer rewards for giving information”. For example in the article, “The Maximum Reward for Reporting on Crimes Committed During the Asian Games is 50,000 Yuan” published on “Guangzhou Daily” on August 6, 2010, it expressly indicated that Falun Gong was one of the targets. [37]
Hence, it can be said that the regime’s persecution of Falun Gong is built upon political pressure and material incentives.
3.8 Introducing “Family Disclaims Cult Promise Card” to Hijack Public Sentiment
The “Family disclaim cult promise card” was collectively launched by the central government and 610 Offices at all levels. [38] It is a direct form of nationwide mental persecution targeted at Falun Gong practitioners, their family members and the public.
An article on the Xinhua news website stated that the, “family disclaim cult promise card” was launched in 2007 starting in the Baise and Nanning areas in Guangxi Province. It subsequently spread to every part of Guangxi province and all provinces as well as cities in China. Around July 2011, 610 Offices pushed a new round of “promise card” activities to new heights nationwide.
For example, in the plan of activity drafted by Rencheng Street Committee in Wuyuan County, Jiangxi Province and distributed to every Party branch, residential committee and village committee, states that the duration of the “promise card” activities are July to December 2011. The goal was that by the end of 2011, the number of families brought into this activity should be no less than 90 percent and the number of signatures no less than 80 percent. [39]
For over a month’s time during the Chinese New Year period in 2012, Zhecheng County committee in Henan Province and the Political and Legal Committee rallied the entire county’s 25,000 households to sign promise cards. [40]
Most of the province’s and city’s “promise card” activities were launched in December 2011 and are slated to run for a year until December 2012. Examples include Zhangping City in Fujian Province, Huizhou City in Guangdong Province, Ezhou City in Hubei Province. [43]
The objective is to ensure that every household within the jurisdiction makes a stance.
Every household needs to sign one “promise card” and there are two copies of each card. One signed copy is kept by the family and the other is kept by a grass roots organization.
The “promise cards” are printed by the 610 Office and primarily records the person’s personal details as well as FAQs on anti cult knowledge and “promise statements”. The cards provided by Tengzhou City in Shandong province openly list Falun Gong as a cult and instigate ordinary citizens to report on practitioners’ activities. [45]
The 610 Office propelled officials at the grass roots level, police, Party members, and members of cult associations to visit families. They use incentives to coerce and “educate”, as well as employment and welfare benefits etc, to force ordinary citizens to sign on promise cards. In November 2011, in Haidian District, Beijing, a Falun Gong practitioner was detained and taken to a brainwashing class for refusing to sign a “promise card”. [48]
Organizations and work place units such as state monopolized enterprises, universities, primary and secondary schools, etc, are drawn into this “promise card” movement. Activities to promote the “promise card” include slogans, banners, ads with motivational subtitles, holding mobilization meetings, broadcasting over loud speakers, etc.
The “family disclaims cult promise card” movement is another nationwide persecution campaign initiated after the regime begun the suppression of Falun Gong in July 1999. It is another method the regime uses to force everyone to take a stance against Falun Gong.
3.9 Persecution Cases
According to a Minghui.org report, “Many Falun Gong practitioners were meted heavy sentences illegally in 2010. According to incomplete statistics, across China, at least 557 practitioners were illegally sentenced in 2010. The situation was most severe in Liaoning and Heilongjiang Province with 65 and 51 practitioners respectively being unjustly sentenced. In addition, the persecution was also very serious in Shandong, Sichuan and Guangdong provinces. The majority of the illegal sentences were three years and above. At least 94 practitioners were sentenced to imprisonment terms between 7 to 13 years. The above figures were based only on cases transmitted over the Internet, that bypassed Internet censorship. In reality, the actual figures should exceed these numbers.” [53]
On July 3, 2010, Falun Gong practitioner Liu Shuling from Wuqi Township, Hongwei Town, Qitaihe City in Heilongjiang Province was tortured to death in Harbin Women’s Drug Rehabilitation Labor Camp at the age of 54. Twelve practitioners who were also detained there at the time of her death were subjected to brutal torture. [54]
In September 2010, 24 practitioners from Laishui County in Hebei Province were forcefully taken to the Communist Party School for brainwashing. [55]
From January to October 2010, it is known that 35 practitioners from Guangzhou City were abducted, brainwashed, sent to labor camps and sentenced to imprisonment. [56]
On August 1, 2011, female practitioner Ding Zhenfang was tortured to death in Liaoning Women’s Prison at the age of 61. [57]
Sixty-three-year-old female practitioner Huang Meiling from Wuhan Qiaokou District died on December 10, 2011. Her body was covered with injuries inflicted on her by being repeatedly shocked with an electric baton. Ms. Huang was abducted in February 2011 by Wansongyuan police station agents in Jianghan District and subsequently taken to Ertouwan Brainwashing Class located in Qiaokou District by the district’s 610 Office agents. She was locked up and brainwashed for two months. [58]
4. Conclusion
The 2010-2012 education and transformation strategy released by the CCP is a continuation of its consistent policy on the persecution of Falun Gong. It is a planned and systematic strategy to intensify the persecution of Falun Gong nationwide and implemented by 610 Offices at various levels. The initiation of the “collective battle strategy” is a reflection of the complete failure of the regime’s brainwashing campaign against Falun Gong carried out over a decade. It also shows the regime’s extreme fear of the Quit the CCP movement and the last ditch struggle it is making before its demise.
References
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[16] Suggestions for the 2010 Beishankou Town Evil Cult Prevention and Handling (Back)
[17] Xinglong Town’s 2010-2012 Work Plan for the Campaign of Transformation through Education and A Collective Battle to Strengthen the Result, Xinglong Document 2010 No. 21 (Back)
[18] Hongxia Village’s 2010-2012 Work Plan for the Campaign of Transformation through Education and A Collective Battle to Strengthen the Result, Hongxia Document 2010 No. 27 (Back)
[19] Current Situation of Transformation through Education and A Collective Battle to Strengthen the Result and Discussion of Counter Measures, Experience Sharing Papers No. 21] By Shenyang City Anti Evil Cult Association. China’s Anti Evil Cult Website, August 2, 2011 (Back)
[20] Xintian Town 2010-2012 Transformation Work Implementation (Back)
[21] Yushan Town Committee Member on 2010-2012 Yushan Town Education Transformation Implementation Strategy, [2010] No. 7 (Back)
[22] Youqing Town 2010-2012 Implementation of Education Transformation Work, (2010) No. 23 (Back)
[23] August 17, 2010, “Provincial and City Officials Went to Tianqiao District to Supervise the Education Transformation Work Carried Out” http://www.tqqq.gov.cn/tqqzf_news.asp?id=5085 (Back)
[24] “Report by the Head of Beiying Street Comprehensive Management Office Ma Yu” published on May 6, 2011 http://www.tysnlw.com/xz/html/01010106/news_201156154811.html (Back)
[25] “2010 Year End Report on 610 Office” published on Wuxi City government website on December 3, 2010, http://zfxn.wuxi.gov.cn/web101/zfxj/816620.shtml (Back)
[26] Jiangxi Province Labor Education Bureau, June 13, 2010, “Meeting to Mobilize and Deploy Provincial Wide Labor Education System is Convened at the Jiangxi Province Women’s Drug Rehabilitation Center” (Back)
[27] 2010-2012 Chegan Village Transformation Implementation Proposal (Back)
[28] Fuzhou City Gulou District government website, June 27, 2010, “2010-2012 Kaiyuan Community District Transformation Work Implementation Proposal” http://www.gl.gov.cn/Site/kysq/ArticleShow.aspx?articleid=155416 (Back)
[29] Key Points on 2010 Cult Prevention and Management Policies in Huang Bei Town (Back)
[30] China anti cult website, July 23, 2010, author: Inner Mongolia Self Administration District Anti Cult Association: Collection of Experiences in Nationwide Transformation and Consolidating Work Meetings” (Back)
[31] Tianjin anti cult association website, August 9 2010 “Work review: 5, Actively Participating in Transformation by Education and Consolidating the Comprehensive Battle Strategy”, http://www.rbw.org.cn/article.aspx?i=BuT&ky=!YVc8kd7k17L2xV2T&pgnum=15 (Back)
[32] China anti cult website, June 20, 2011, author: Zhong Fanwen “Strengthening Nationwide Transformation and Experience Sharing Conference Held in Nanjing, Jiangsu” (Back)
[33] China anti cult website, November 25, 2011, author: Zhong Fanwen “2011 Annual Meeting of China’s Anti Cult Association Convened in Fuzhou” (Back)
[34] China anti cult website, March 25, 2011 “Anti Cult Association Takes Part in Initial Exchange of Ideas on Strengthening Transformation by Education Work and Discussion on Several Ways Adopted by Xianyang City in This Area” (Back)
[35] China anti cult website, September 7, 2011, author: Xiamen City Anti Cult Association Chen Yongguang Dai Xiaoli “51st Excerpt of Work Experience Sharing Conference on Strengthening and Consolidating Education and Transformation by Anti Cult Associations Nationwide” (Back)
[36] World Organization to investigate the persecution of Falun Gong record No. 2011_threeyears-01 (Back)
[37] Guangzhou Daily, August 6, 2010, author Chen Xiang “Maximum Reward Offered for Reporting on Crimes Committed During Asian Games is 50,000 Yuan" http://gzdaily.dayoo.com/html/2010-08/06/content_1050242.htm (Back)
[38] Publicizing information from Wuyuan County government, August 2, 2011, “Proposal on the Implementation of ‘Families disclaim cults’ Activities on the Streets of Rancheng” http://gk.jxwy.gov.cn/xz/content/2011/11/18/11401.htm (Back)
[39] Xinhua news website, June 2, 2011, author Xiong Hongming “Guangxi: A Small Promise Card to Disclaim Cults Promotes Harmony and Stability in a Big Family” http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2011-06/02/c_121489051.htm (Back)
[40] Shangqiu Daily, December 26, 2011, author: Hao Chuanxin/Wei Lin/Zhou Lianjian “25,000 households in Zhecheng County Fight to Sign ‘Family disclaim cult’ promise card’” http://www.sqrb.com.cn/sqnews/2011-12/26/content_1377362.htm (Back)
[41] Minxi news web, December 22 2011, “Longyan Zhangping City Initiates ‘family disclaim cult’ activities”, http://www.mxrb.cn/lyxws/content/2011-12/22/content_1112619.htm (Back)
[42] Huizhou Daily, December 19, 2011, author: Zeng Xinghua/Cai Liufeng “Huizhou City Holds ‘family disclaim cult’ Activities” http://www.huizhou.ccoo.cn/news/local/1115120.html (Back)
[43 China anti cult education web, December 15, 2011, author: Pi Chengda “Ezhou City Hubei Launches ‘Family Disclaim Cult’ Activity” http://xh.cnfxj.org/Html/wxjhdxx/2011-12/15/002843572.html (Back)
[44 Minghui.org, Persecution News from China on October 18, 2011, http://www.minghui.org/mh/articles/2011/10/18/二零一一年十月十八日大陆各地简讯及交流-247986.html#111017225659-11 (Back)
Persecution News from China on November 24, 2011, http://www.minghui.org/mh/articles/2011/11/24/二零一一年十一月二十四日大陆各地简讯及交流-249764.html#11112323400-2 (Back)
[45] Minghui.org, Persecution News from China on September 23, 2011 (Back)
http://www.minghui.org/mh/articles/2011/9/23/二零一一年九月二十三日大陆综合消息-247046.html#1192223444-45 (Back)
[46] Zhoukou daily, December 20, 2011, author: Pu Shujuan “Zhoukou City Launches ‘Family disclaim cult’ Promise Card Signing Activity” http://news.dahe.cn/2011/12-20/101005958.html (Back)
[47] Minghui.org, September 29, 2011 “Promise Card is a Kidnapping Card”, http://www.minghui.org/mh/articles/2011/9/29/“承诺卡”即绑票卡-247255.html (Back)
[48] Persecution News from China on November 23, 2011 - http://www.minghui.org/mh/articles/2011/11/23/二零一一年十一月二十三日大陆各地简讯及交流-249748.html#111122234447-3 (Back)
[49] Report published on chinaunicom.com on December 15, 2011 titled “Celebrating the Release of Anyang City’s Families Disclaim Cults Promise Card” http://www.chinaunicom.com.cn/city/henan/dspd/anyang/dsgg/file39.html (Back)
[50] Sample of a “family disclaims cults promise card” published on <<Tarim University>> website on December 1, 2011, http://bwb.taru.edu.cn/neirong.jsp?urltype=news.NewsContentUrl&wbnewsid=247690&wbtreeid=10845 (Back)
[51] Article titled: “Shaanfei Yizhong School Launches Promotional Activity for Family Disclaim Cults Promise Card” published on New Western district education website on February 15, 2012] Author: Li Baolin, http://www.edu-nw.com/html/2012/quxian_0215/46372.html (Back)
[52] Article “Luanchuan Village Carries Out ‘Families disclaim cults’ Campaign’” published on Luanchuan Town Government Website on January 10, 2012] Author: Meng Yuqin, http://xz.luanchuan.cn/lcx/news/20120110/160459.shtml (Back)
[53] Article “Communist Regime Continues to Roll Out Its Three Year Plan of Intensified Nationwide Persecution of Falun Gong” published on Minghui.net on March 16, 2011] Author: Longyan, http://www.minghui.org/mh/articles/2011/3/16/中共政法委、“六一零”指挥的又一轮迫害-237656.html (Back)
[54] Minghui.org, September 17, 2010 “Liu Shuling Tortured to Death in Harbin Drug Rehabilitation Labor Camp”, http://www.minghui.org/mh/articles/2010/9/17/229740.html (Back)
[55] Minghui.org, September 24, 2010 “24 Practitioners from Laishui County in Hebei Province Were Abducted and Taken to the Party School for Brainwashing”, http://www.minghui.org/mh/articles/2010/9/24/230083.html (Back)
[56] Minghui.org, on October 18, 2010, Guangzhou Authorities Used the Asian Games to Persecute Falun Gong, http://www.minghui.org/mh/articles/2010/10/18/231149.html (Back)
[57] Minghui.org, December 24, 2011, Partial Persecution Accounts of Dalian Falun Gong Practitioners in 2011, http://www.minghui.org/mh/articles/2011/12/24/二零一一年大连法轮功学员受迫害部份案例-250946.html (Back)
[58] Minghui.org, December 18, 2011, “Huang Meiling from Wuhan Died Tragically, Numerous Scars from Electric Shocks Found on Her Body”, http://www.minghui.org/mh/articles/2011/12/18/武汉黄美玲惨死-遗体多处电击伤痕-250718.html

[Spendulus]

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[Vika NSFW]

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[Spendulus]

Why are these SEO tags?  Is this your proposed list, or one that is commonly used?

This is a serious question.  If you propose these as SEO tags, I do not thing they are properly formatted.

Thx.

I need some time to format tags. I have find them, and i think they are here OK.
I will lost them not, and google bots are fapping harder and harder on this topic.

I have discovered, that "illegal organization Falun Gong - 法輪功" will post here their shit again and again, making this post "free UP".
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[Vika NSFW]

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[Vika NSFW]

Leaders of Five Major Religious Groups Condemn Falun Gong
2001.03.16 18:01:02


   BEIJING, March 16 (Xinhuanet) -- Leaders of five major Chinese  religious groups have sharply denounced Falun Gong and proposed to launch a campaign to combat the evil cult at a recent forum.
   The forum was organized by the subcommittee of Ethnic and  Religious Affairs of the National Committee of the Chinese People' s Political Consulatitive Conference (CPPCC).
   At the forum, Dao Shuren, vice chairman of the Buddhist  Association of China, called on all Chinese Buddhists to fight  actively against Falun Gong.
   Dao also read a letter issued by the Buddhist Association of  China, to expose the shamelessness and viciousness of Li Hongzhi,  ringleader of the cult, and called on all Buddhists to resolutely  fight against the cult and help maintain social stability.
   While listing the cases of the practitioners deluded into  committing suicide by the evil cult's heresy, Qoxi, also vice  chairman of Buddhist Association of China, expressed that the  Chinese Buddhist circles are in firm support of any measure taken  by the government to eradicate Falun Gong, especially the  punishment of the cult's major leaders.
   In response to the proposals of the Buddhist Association of  China, leaders of other religious groups also voiced their  indignation over the evil cult.
   Falun Gong has completely betrayed China and become a tool for  the overseas enemies to sabotage our national stability and  security, said Fu Tieshan, chairman of Chinese Patriotic Catholic  Association.
   Fu also added that as Falun Gong's "natural enemy," all the  Chinese religious groups should unremittingly fight against the  evil cult.
  Evil cults and religion bear essential differences in the  attitudes towards life, noted Min Zhiting, chairman of China  Taoist Association.
   In sharp contrast with Taoism, which treasures life and  promotes social welfare, Falun Gong purposefully aims to deprive  innocent people of their lives, said Min, calling on all the  Chinese Taoists to strongly fight against the cult and try to help more victims of Falun Gong return to the right track.
   Han Shenggui, vice chairman of the Islamic Association of China, said that what Falun Gong has preached goes absolutely against  what religion has promoted.
   Accusing Falun Gong of imposing spiritual control over innocent people and causing serious damage to society, Han stressed that  Falun Gong is absolutely not a religion, but an out-and-out evil  cult. 
   Catholicism encourages its believers to take a positive and  optimistic attitude toward reality and life, while Falun Gong  preaches the world will perish so as to confuse its addicts' mind  and dominate them spiritually, Ma Yinglin, secretary-general of  Chinese Catholic Bishops College, drew a clear contrast between  Catholicism and the cult, saying Falun Gong is doomed to perish.
   Li Hongzhi is just like a vulture covered with beautiful  feathers, whose ugly body will be exposed to public if shaken  slightly, Deng Fucun, vice chairman of the Three-Self Patriotic  Movement Committee of Protestant Churches of China, told the forum.
   There are many benevolent and beautiful qualities deeply rooted in humanity, which however, were seriously distorted by Falun Gong, summarized Ding Guangxun, vice chairman of the CPPCC National  Committee, as well as honorary chairman of the Three-Self  Patriotic Movement Committee of Protestant Churches of China, and  China Christian Council.
   Ding noted that if Li Hongzhi's fallacies prevail, the world  will have to suffer historical retrogression, not to mention  development. He proposed that all the religious groups make joint  efforts to eradicate Falun Gong to ensure the healthy development  of the country.
   Other people from the five major Chinese religious groups also  expressed their views on the issue and appealed to the government  to intensify a crackdown on Falun gong.
   They said that all the religious groups should further expose  the viciousness of Falun Gong, bring the cult's addicts back to  normal, and completely get rid of this "malign tumor," they noted.

http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/20010316/386372A.htm

[Vika NSFW]

Science and education in PRC work OK. Proof.
---------------------------------

 Chinese Falun Gong practitioners back to normal life
www.chinaview.cn 2009-08-14 11:29:52         Print

    BEIJING, Aug. 14 (Xinhua) -- On an early spring day eight years ago, Liu Shujuan reluctantly sat herself on a sofa in a community lounge, still putting Falun Gong scriptures on the desk in front of her.

    Liu was attending a "rehabilitation workshop" that aimed to help Falun Gong practitioners get over their obsession with the cult which was established in China by Li Hongzhi in 1992.

    The Chinese government banned the Falun Gong cult on July 22, 1999, accusing the group of exploiting religion of brainwashing practitioners, cajoling money from them, and even encouraging practitioners to burn themselves in order to fulfill spiritually.

    Three years after the ban, Liu learned that many peers had been waken from Li's cheating scheme through such rehabilitation workshops. Liu didn't think she would be one of them, for the former devotee had fancied herself as sloughing off "all the worldly trappings of wealth, prestige, love and family" under Master Li's order.

    The middle school teacher, 31 years old at that time, once ran away from home for the sake of practice, leaving her four-year-old child behind.

    Through several weeks' critical scrutiny over Li Hongzhi's cult books at the rehabilitation workshop, Liu's infatuation disappeared. "Li Hongzhi taught us that truthfulness, compassion and forbearance are the ultimate criteria in judging a good man. But those virtues don't fit for him in every bit," Liu told Xinhua.

    Liu managed to break away with Falun Gong in March 2001.

    Deng Wen, another Falun Gong follower who attended the workshop in 2005, said, "I used to think all practitioners are kind, but gradually I found many evil things in it."

    Deng, now 37, joined Falun Gong in 1996 and sat in protest together with her peers around Zhongnanhai, China's central leadership compound in downtown Beijing, on April 25, 1999.

    Official statistics show the Falun Gong groups had organized more than 300 unauthorized protests to exert pressure on the media and the government.

    Deng said she took part in the protest because Master Li said such a gathering would be beneficial to her spiritual progress.

    "When I began to think in exchanged positions and reconsidered my stonehearted attitude toward my family, I realized that Li Hongzhi is a liar," she said.

    With a 40-day "excruciating" reflection, Deng was deprogramed and became a community worker.

    DESTRUCTIVE CULT

    Falun Gong leader Li Hongzhi jumped on the bandwagon of doing breathing exercises in the 1980s which was popular at that time both at home and abroad.

    After learning that some people got rich by teaching the exercise, Li patched up the Falun Gong works and began to spread it in May 1992.

    Under the pretence of building physiques, the Falun Gong cult had set up more than 28,000 training and exercise centers across the country.

    To tighten his spiritual control over practitioners, Li misappropriated the Buddhist concept "Falun", a cycling weapon symbolic of the arrival of Holy King, and churned out his work "Cycling Falun" in December 1994 to advocate the so-called "life consummation", according to Xi Wuyi, a research fellow of the Institute of World Religions of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

    Li Anping, deputy secretary-general of the China Anti-Cult Association (CACA), said the book "Cycling Falun" was a good testimony to Li Hongzhi's evilness.

    "The book is completely against science and humanity," he said,adding it used bodybuilding and principals compassion as disguise in order to control people's mind.

    An investigation in July 1999 showed that about 1,600 Falun Gong practitioners died in abnormal ways.

    On the eve of China's Spring Festival on Jan. 23, 2001, Wang Jindong and six other Falun followers set themselves on fire at the Tiananmen Square. Two people died and three were badly injured.

    A former practitioner Li Chang told Xinhua in jail, "People with a bare bit of reason would not agree that they could become a Buddha by simply burning the body with gasoline."

    Li Chang, 70, once a backbone member of Falun Gong, was sentenced to 18 years in prison in December 1999 on charges of using the cult to obstruct law enforcement, causing the deaths of people and obtaining state secrets in an illegal way.

    Li Chang said he learned the Tiananmen self-immolation incident via TV news in jail in 2001.

    The graduate of the Tianjin-based Nankai University's Physics Department in 1964 was very angry when he realized that Li Hongzhi had lied about his birthday.

    "Li Hongzhi declared that he was born on the same day with the holiest Shakyamuni Buddha. That's cheat!" He said. Li Hongzhi went to the government's household registration department to change his birthday in early 1990s.

    Researcher Xi said normal religious practice emphasized humanity and opposed frantic wildness, but Falun Gong was just the opposite -- it encouraged practitioners to pursue the extreme, which harms the society.

    Professor Ren Dingcheng of the Beijing University's Science and Society Research Center said the ban on Falun Gong was to protect human rights, rather than trespass them.

    Li Anping of the CACA said about 80 percent of the two million Falun Gong practitioners in China had separated themselves from the cult in 1999 when the government issued the ban on it. Ten years after the ban, about 98 percent have been converted and comeback to normal life.

    "Many people feel strongly disgust about Falun Gong's propaganda via telephone or leaflets in the public," Li Anping said.

    "Li Hongzhi's overseas instigation can go nowhere," he said, adding the CACA had helped practitioners get rid of the control of the destructive cult.

    "It is hard to change one's mind. Our work is creative," he said.
Editor: Fang Yang

[Vika NSFW]

Falungong cult murderer sentenced to death
www.chinaview.cn 2003-12-31 19:26:40

    HANGZHOU, Dec. 31 (Xinhuanet) -- A Falungong cult follower who poisoned and killed 15 innocent people was given death penalty by a court in east China's Zhejiang province Tuesday afternoon.

    Chen Fuzhao, an assistant clinician in a small hospital in Cangnan county, was found to have poisoned 15 vagrant beggars and trash pickers by giving them beverages mixed with rat poison from May 25 to June 27, 2003.

    In the first instance judgment issued by the municipal intermediate people's court of Wenzhou, to which Cangnan county belongs, he was also found guilty of putting poison into a thermosflask containing boiled water in the kitchen of a Buddhist temple.A female worshipper drank the water, fell to ground and died.

    Chen admitted the charges of poisoning the 16 innocent people to death in the trial.

    According to the court verdict, Chen had started to practice Falungong cult in 1996. Under the mental control of the so-called Falungong "master" Li Hongzhi, he gradually came up with the idea of "upgrading" himself and raising his own power by massacring others with beggars and trash pickers as the target of his assaults.

    Many locals watched the trial and heard the verdict.

[1aguar]

"Li Hongzhi taught us that truthfulness, compassion and forbearance are the ultimate criteria in judging a good man. But those virtues don't fit for him in every bit," Liu told Xinhua.

All saviors are phony! Take the truth and discard the rest.
Truthfulness, compassion and forbearance is valid truth and it is good moral guidance.
"Have all the gay sex you want" is bad moral guidance.
Marxist (humanist) morals are wicked;
instead of practicing forbearance, the Chinese Communist Party is executing Dafa practitioners after harvesting their organs. They are the ones that need rehabilitation because they are slaughtering human beings.

[Spendulus]

Falungong cult murderer sentenced to death
www.chinaview.cn 2003-12-31 19:26:40

    HANGZHOU, Dec. 31 (Xinhuanet) -- A Falungong cult follower who poisoned and killed 15 innocent people was given death penalty by a court in east China's Zhejiang province Tuesday afternoon.

    Chen Fuzhao, an assistant clinician in a small hospital in Cangnan county, was found to have poisoned 15 vagrant beggars and trash pickers by giving them beverages mixed with rat poison from May 25 to June 27, 2003.......

VERSUS-
......
instead of practicing forbearance, the Chinese Communist Party is executing Dafa practitioners after harvesting their organs. They are the ones that need rehabilitation because they are slaughtering human beings.

Well, which story is true?